Is he a reptilian in disguise? Who could say?

This is my first Reddit post, and wanted to talk about the new Netflix Show “Manhattan Alien Abduction”.

Before i start rambling on about it, I’d like to let anyone reading this know that i was a close and personal friend of Budd Hopkins from 1994 up until his passing in 2011.

I was also an acquaintance of both Carol Rainey and Linda Napolitano. I worked as a studio assistant for awhile too, answering his phone and opening his mail.

There is much to be said about my years long involvement with Budd and his crew, but I’ll hold off until i see if this post gets any traction.

Hopefully more soon…

i think it was right between the two trees

This got me thinking, if aliens have always been here, evolving from dolphins long before we evolved from apes, then they would initially see us as non threatening land animals. But when they started to see us become more advanced they got worried. Now if you guys recall the African school children episode where aliens appeared to a whole bunch of children...what was their message? It was "stop your technological advancement". Suddenly us primitive land animals were getting a little too smart for their comfort.

I made previous posts here & here about Dr Corrado Malanga, PhD, an Italian scientist and UFO abduction researcher that used deep hypnosis on abductees and discovered that "aliens" are actually extra-dimensional parasites that can park their energetic selves inside human bodies to feed off the energy they produce. Well, it turns out that another doctor (a dentist) independently discovered the same phenomena while his clients were under hypnosis.

From the book Healing Lost Souls - Releasing Unwanted Spirits From Your Energy Body by William J. Baldwin, Ph.D

Through clinical experience I discovered what appeared to be three main types of intrusive entity: (1) the Earthbound soul (EB), which includes deceased humans, terminated pregnancies, and mind fragments of living people; (2) the dark force entity (DFE), which includes the classic demon; and (3) the extraterrestrial (ET), which includes aliens and otherworldly beings.

(SNIP)

In March 1981, I began seeing clients in private regression therapy sessions. Many people discovered what seemed to be lifetimes in Europe, Rome, Greece, in Aztec, Mayan, and Incan civilizations, even fabled Atlantis. Only a few recalled life in the Pacific Basin or Asia. Some recalled experiences of living in caves, wearing animal skins, and warring with other clans, using sticks and stones. (SNIP)

Several clients found themselves incarnated in the area of Central America, in positions of leadership, in teaching, in healing, and involved with the priesthood. They had come to Earth from some other place in our galaxy, or beyond, nearly always in non- physical form, in order to assist the "primitive" humans,...

(SNIP)

Discovery of the Attached Extraterrestrial

One type of attached entity is nonhuman and nondemonic, usually a highly intelligent being claiming to be from "far away," only visiting here on a mission. This is not the spirit of a deceased ET, but an alien in its normal, nonphysical form. Most have never been human in their own physical bodies here on Earth. Of the many types of aliens described and categorized by investigators of the UFO phenomenon, some ETs exist in quasi- or non-physical form. The ETs involved in abductions of humans defy physical laws, moving through solid walls, and levitating to their hovering craft, defying gravity. Apparently, some of these are able to infiltrate the minds of humans. Usually, people are not aware of their presence. In clinical practice, these ETS seem to be the ones we discover and subsequently release.

(SNIP)

It seems there may be many intelligent species in the universe. If the information that comes through the consciousness and voice of our clients is valid, many extraterrestrials are already here among our population. And many of them are interfering with humans in the same way that other discarnate entities disrupt the normal course of life. If these discoveries are representative, then nonphysical aliens have infiltrated the subconscious minds of a great many people.

Attached ETs may be lost, marooned, or retired here on the Earth. Some ETs are here on scientific expeditions, much as human scientists explore the jungles, oceans, and remote places on this globe. Some claim to use the eyes and ears of humans, as they do not have the proper apparatus to perceive this reality. Many of them can not interpret the band of the electromagnetic spectrum that is seen as color, nor can they interpret sound waves. Extraterrestrials express various reasons for being here, but have no compunction about the invasion, or hesitation in the violation of one's free will. Basically, there is no concern for personal sovereignty.

Some ETs claim to operate under the spiritual principle of Universal Oneness. Since they are part of the One, and humans are also part of the One, they are not interfering with "another," only exploring the larger dimensions of the One Self. This is an abuse of spiritual principles in the pursuit of selfish goals.

Alien Scientists

Some attached ETs claim to be conducting experiments much as Earth scientists conduct animal experimentation. They have implanted physical and nonphysical [instruments] and various devices into humans for the purpose of location, control, communication, monitoring, and gathering information. Shiny, metallic nodules found in various parts of the body have been reported.2

(SNIP)

Clients have discovered not only these attached ET technicians and their equipment, but also unattended [instruments] and other devices in various parts of the anatomy. These [instruments] are nonphysical in nature and connected in a way that allows transmission of information to the alien scientists. The [instrument], or connector, may also allow the ETs to control aspects of the physiology as well as mental and emotional functioning of the person.

In an altered state of consciousness, a client can visualize the [instrument] leading to the ET laboratory. We direct the questions to the alien researcher.

The surprised ET will answer through the voice of the client. This can be distressing and unbelievable to the client, but with assurance that this condition exists with many others and the alien control is only temporary, most clients allow the dialogue to continue.

The alien scientists claim to be on a nearby spacecraft with many such research teams surveying or gathering information. The focus shifts to the ET command hierarchy, beginning with those in charge chief.

(SNIP)

Alien Colonists

Some alien groups are intent on expanding their reach and establishing colonial outposts on other planets. This is certainly not a new idea; colonialism has a long and painful history right here on Earth.

These invasive ETs make use of the "carbon-based units," the living bodies of the human inhabitants of Earth. For them it is convenient to infiltrate people's minds and establish some degree of control. In sum, they establish "squatter's rights." Not hostile, but quietly arrogant, they are certain of their superiority. They are here and they claim there is nothing we can do about it. They are mistaken.

(SNIP)

One type of alien being reported often in recent years has become identified as the "Nordic" type. Blond, blue-eyed, kindly and helpful. Apparently these types have been coming to Earth for millennia.

(this was originally posted on another sub months ago but was requested to be reposted here recently) The Material in this post is as-is and there is not further information that I can personally provide.

Dear Graham,

I have tried to condense this, and apologize for the length. This is an old story, some of the terror has lessened, and although it has been blanked out of my life, I would have a flashback, and re-live it.

My mother was there, but we never in all these years ever spoke of it. Two years ago, I re-met my brother, and recalled a little of what I remembered, he said he did not recall, and "things that are beyond our control, never question it," then he walked away.

We lived in Langley Prairie, (as it was then called), our home was at the side of the (then called) Trans Canada Highway. Cloverdale/Langley border ran through the property. We were not in school, it could have been Spring or Summer holidays - It was a hot day, not a cloud in the sky. The war had ended. The year was 1947, I was 16 years old. There were very few homes in this area, a lot of trees in areas, and a lot of flat farm land.

My brother and I were at the creek that ran close to our home. He was in the water catching minnows, and I sat under a large tree reading. It was very quiet, I had heard a hum, but I thought nothing of it, the next I knew, a silver/gray, and what I know of today, was a UFO, sat down right in front of me. I go in and out of a blank state for an hour or so - Do not know the time frame. A door opened, I believe from bottom to top, and out walked four or five grotesque creatures, looking like praying mantis, wearing dull silver/gray body fitted covering, no buttons, zippers, - nothing. By this time, I had stood up, and still held my book, one creature came right to me, and stood looking at me, took my book and looked at it. It put its hand on my shoulder, it could read my thoughts, everything I thought of, it knew. It was so terrifying --------! It looked into my eyes deeply, and I am certain I could hear the black eyes click, just like a camera. I was feeling much calmer now, and sent my Shouting Mother away, saying "he would shoot her if she did not go back inside the house". I sensed they were here due to the war and bombs. The creature left me, and walked away to the other creatures, they walked around the UFO inspecting it, there was a problem, and they were trying to fix it. --- It was to do with the front door area, I am sure.

As I stood under the tree, my mind cleared, and I had a good view, and I realized that more cars were passing on the Highway in front of us, they could see everything. I thought to myself, and can remember this so well, "The silly fools, don't they realize someone driving by will be able to see them and the large silver dome."

The creature came right back to me, looked into my eyes, and that hand on my shoulder, said by telepathy, "We are leaving now, do not look up, do not look up, do not look up." My head was down on my chest, and the next thing I heard was a hum-hum. I thought, "Yes, I can look up, I will look up, and there it was, at the top of the tree, right over my head, going up quickly into a sky that had about four military planes, going faster than I have ever seen, with a deafening noise never before heard, I think they had been circling for ages, and now the chase was on! The UFO just slid right across the sky going towards Washington, there is no way those planes could ever catch it. There must be tons of reports on this sighting, I realize now.

I called my brother, he did not move, I had to step into the creek, take him by the hand, call his name, and said, "We will go home now."

Mother was in the kitchen when we came in, she was nasty, and said, "So, you finally came home," - We did not speak, we needed water, I could not drink enough, then went to bed. I spent many days, or even weeks in bed, have no idea, but I was crimson, no aspirin helped, just water and deep sleep.

Eventually, when I was able to stay up and walk around, I could see from the kitchen window, a large circle of burnt or black grass, and three months later, we moved away. I have never spoken to anyone about this, and find it very hard to write about. I started a journal a few years ago and could not finish it.

-- name withheld by request

Submitted anonymously to https://ufobc.ca/History/1940/betty_v2.htm

Preston Dennett Video: https://youtu.be/G_XgkOxY8Ak

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As President-elect Trump readies for his second term, the pro-disclosure coalition on UAPs (Unidentified Aerial Phenomena)—which includes intelligence and military figures, bipartisan lawmakers, and scientists—reaches a pivotal moment. Trump’s past hints of interest in UAPs and transparency create potential for progress, yet the coalition’s approach will depend on whether Trump opts for a rapid, high-profile timeline or a gradual, methodical path like Karl Nell's “Disclosure Timeline.” Each route offers unique opportunities for advancing UAP transparency.

Punchbowl News has reported that John Ratcliffe is “poised to be CIA director” The power in Trump’s Washington

Trump considering ex-top US spy Ratcliffe for CIA chief, Punchbowl reports

This post was created with ChatGPT4o

Is Ratcliffe Pro-Disclosure?

r/UFOs • 2 days ago TommyShelbyPFB Some interesting news: One of the biggest proponents of UFO transparency former Director of National Intelligence John Ratcliffe is now being considered for the role of CIA Chief. Here's him dropping some absolute UFO truth bombs on unsuspecting news anchors.

John Ratcliffe, who served as Director of National Intelligence under President Trump, has made several notable statements regarding Unidentified Aerial Phenomena (UAPs). In March 2021, he revealed that there were "a lot more sightings than have been made public," referring to objects observed by Navy or Air Force pilots and detected via satellite imagery. He described these objects as performing movements that are "difficult to explain," including traveling at speeds exceeding the sound barrier without producing a sonic boom. VICE

Ratcliffe also emphasized the need for transparency on UAPs. In July 2023, he stated, "The government has more information than it's sharing," and advocated for increased openness on the issue, while acknowledging the necessity to balance transparency with national security concerns. Newsweek

These statements indicate that Ratcliffe supports greater disclosure of information related to UAPs, aligning with a pro-disclosure stance.

What has Trump said about UAPs?

In a June 2020 interview with his son, Donald Trump Jr., President Donald Trump was asked about the Roswell incident, a 1947 event often linked to UFO theories. Trump described Roswell as "very interesting" but withheld details, hinting that he had some knowledge of the event while choosing not to share specifics. This statement aligns with his general pattern of acknowledging awareness of UAP topics without committing to full public disclosure.

During his presidency, Trump made similar statements about UAPs, suggesting he had been briefed on them. In a later interview with podcaster Joe Rogan, he again indicated awareness without elaborating, showing a reserved stance compared to more openly pro-disclosure figures like John Ratcliffe and Marco Rubio. However, Trump has made more concrete promises regarding transparency in other areas: in 2017, he authorized the release of several JFK assassination documents but withheld some for national security reasons, as reported by AP News. Recently, in August 2024, he pledged to release the remaining JFK documents if re-elected, according to The Washington Post, suggesting he may lean toward broader disclosure if it aligns with his goals and public image.

This combination of partial transparency and withheld specifics suggests that while Trump appears interested in UAPs and historical secrecy, his actions may ultimately depend on balancing public interest with national security considerations.

The incoming Trump administration could be the perfect storm for UAP/UFO Disclosure

Analyzing the network of individuals within the U.S. government and military who have openly advocated for transparency regarding Unidentified Aerial Phenomena (UAPs) reveals a web of interconnected relationships. Key figures include:

1. John Ratcliffe

• Position: Former Director of National Intelligence (DNI) under President Trump.
• Advocacy: In March 2021, Ratcliffe disclosed that there were "a lot more sightings than have been made public," referring to objects observed by Navy or Air Force pilots and detected via satellite imagery. Wikipedia

2. Marco Rubio

• Position: U.S. Senator from Florida; Vice Chairman of the Senate Intelligence Committee.
• Advocacy: Rubio has been a leading proponent for UAP transparency, emphasizing the need to understand these phenomena due to potential national security implications. U.S. News & World Report

3. Kirsten Gillibrand

• Position: U.S. Senator from New York; Member of the Senate Armed Services Committee.
• Advocacy: Gillibrand has called for increased oversight and transparency on UAPs, expressing concerns about potential national security threats. Wikipedia

4. David Grusch

• Position: Former Air Force intelligence officer and member of the National Reconnaissance Office.
• Advocacy: In 2023, Grusch testified before Congress, alleging that the U.S. government possesses non-human spacecraft and has been concealing this information for decades. PBS

5. Christopher Mellon

• Position: Former Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Intelligence.
• Advocacy: Mellon has been vocal about the need for UAP transparency and has supported whistleblowers like Grusch in bringing information to light. New York Post

6. Luis Elizondo

• Position: Former Director of the Advanced Aerospace Threat Identification Program (AATIP) at the Pentagon.
• Advocacy: Elizondo has publicly discussed the existence of non-human materials and has called for greater transparency regarding UAPs. The Times

7. André Carson

• Position: U.S. Representative from Indiana; Chairman of the House Intelligence Subcommittee on Counterterrorism, Counterintelligence, and Counterproliferation.
• Advocacy: Carson has led congressional hearings on UAPs, emphasizing the need to address potential national security concerns. Wikipedia

8. Tim Burchett

• Position: U.S. Representative from Tennessee.
• Advocacy: Burchett has been outspoken about the need for UAP disclosure and has participated in congressional hearings on the subject. Yahoo

9. Anna Paulina Luna

• Position: U.S. Representative from Florida.
• Advocacy: Luna has been involved in organizing congressional hearings on UAPs and has called for greater transparency. Wikipedia

10. Sean Kirkpatrick

• Position: Director of the All-domain Anomaly Resolution Office (AARO) at the Pentagon.
• Advocacy: Kirkpatrick has been involved in efforts to investigate and understand UAPs, though his stance on disclosure has been more measured. CNN

Interconnections:

• Ratcliffe and Rubio: As DNI, Ratcliffe would have worked closely with the Senate Intelligence Committee, where Rubio serves as Vice Chairman, facilitating information sharing on UAPs.
• Rubio and Gillibrand: Both senators have collaborated on legislative efforts to increase UAP transparency and oversight.
• Grusch and Mellon: Mellon has supported Grusch's whistleblower claims, providing credibility and advocating for further investigation.
• Elizondo and Mellon: Both have worked together to bring attention to UAP issues, including collaborating on public disclosures and media engagements.
• Carson, Burchett, and Luna: These representatives have jointly participated in congressional hearings and initiatives aimed at increasing UAP transparency.
• Kirkpatrick and Grusch: Grusch has claimed that he attempted to share information with Kirkpatrick regarding UAP programs, though Kirkpatrick's response has been limited.

This network illustrates a growing bipartisan effort among politicians and former intelligence officials to address UAP phenomena with greater transparency and seriousness.

6 Degrees of Kevin Bacon Analysis of Pro-Disclosure Coalition

Here are some key takeaways from the degrees of separation table:

1. Close Ties at the Core (1-2 Degrees):
   • Figures like Marco Rubio and Kirsten Gillibrand are only 1-2 degrees from nearly everyone in this network, suggesting they play central, bridging roles between the intelligence/military and political figures advocating for UAP transparency.
   • Rubio, with his position on the Senate Intelligence Committee, and Gillibrand, with her role on the Senate Armed Services Committee, have both legislative influence and direct access to individuals like Ratcliffe and other intelligence figures, allowing them to push forward UAP-related legislation.
2. Intelligence-Military Connections (1-2 Degrees):
   • David Grusch, Christopher Mellon, and Luis Elizondo are closely linked, only 1-2 degrees apart. Grusch's whistleblowing efforts and Elizondo's AATIP background suggest they share information within a tight group of intelligence and former defense officials, making them influential voices among advocates for disclosure.
   • Mellon, having worked both in the government and now as a public advocate, serves as a bridge between intelligence officials and the political side, such as Gillibrand and Carson.
3. Political Outreach (3 Degrees):
   • Figures like André Carson, Tim Burchett, and Anna Paulina Luna are positioned slightly further out in the network, often at 2-3 degrees. As House members, they may not have direct ties to the intelligence community but have developed strong political voices on UAPs by bringing attention to the issue through hearings and public statements.
4. Peripheral Position of Sean Kirkpatrick (3-4 Degrees):
   • Kirkpatrick, the head of the Pentagon's All-domain Anomaly Resolution Office (AARO), is more distanced, typically 3-4 degrees from others. Despite his official role, his measured stance on disclosure likely limits his alignment with more vocal UAP proponents. However, he remains a critical figure given his direct involvement in investigating UAPs.
5. Potential for Rapid Collaboration:
   • Since the entire network stays within 4 degrees, collaborations on UAP-related efforts could happen quickly if momentum builds. Ratcliffe, Rubio, and Grusch, for example, have access to key legislative figures, intelligence veterans, and current military officials, allowing coordinated actions or legislative efforts that could continue driving transparency efforts.

This network showcases a balance between political figures who can drive public discourse and legislation, and intelligence/military figures who provide expertise and validation, helping push UAP disclosure from fringe to mainstream political debate.

Summary: Pro-Disclosure Coalition Strategies During Trump's Second Term

• Leverage Legislative Support:
  • Prioritize passing key UAP-related legislation like the Schumer Amendment.
  • Work with Trump-friendly legislators to mandate disclosure and secure funding.
  • Position legislative successes as historic achievements for Trump to claim.
• Establish a UAP Oversight Task Force:
  • Create a dedicated government body for UAP investigation and reporting.
  • Use the task force for regular public updates, enhancing transparency.
  • Allow Trump to oversee and promote the task force as part of his legacy.
• Empower and Protect Whistleblowers:
  • Implement legal protections for individuals disclosing UAP information.
  • Encourage insiders like David Grusch to come forward safely.
  • Frame whistleblower support as aligning with Trump's anti-establishment views.
• Expand Scientific Research and Academic Collaboration:
  • Fund research initiatives with universities to study UAP phenomena.
  • Host high-visibility conferences and projects for rapid progress.
  • Destigmatize UAP studies within the scientific community.
• Release Declassified UAP Data:
  • Declassify and publish credible UAP evidence like DoD footage and sensor data.
  • Create major media moments to captivate public interest.
  • Control the pace of releases to manage public reaction.
• Collaborate with Private Sector Partners:
  • Partner with defense and tech companies for UAP technology research.
  • Foster innovation in areas like propulsion and materials science.
  • Present these collaborations as advancing American leadership.
• Initiate International Cooperation:
  • Establish multinational UAP task forces with allies.
  • Share data and research on a global scale.
  • Use diplomatic efforts to position the U.S. as a leader in UAP disclosure.
• Enhance Public Engagement and Cultural Integration:
  • Launch educational programs and media campaigns about UAPs.
  • Normalize UAP discussions in schools and cultural institutions.
  • Ensure steady cultural adaptation to new information.
• Adapt to Trump's Preferred Pace:
  • If Trump desires quick action, prioritize high-impact initiatives.
  • If a cautious approach is preferred, follow a phased disclosure plan.
  • Align strategies with Trump's interests to secure his support.
• Aim for a Lasting Legacy:
  • Position UAP disclosure as a significant achievement of Trump's second term.
  • Advance scientific understanding and governmental transparency.
  • Foster a new era of discovery and public trust in government actions.

Deep Dive: Pro-Disclosure Coalition Strategies During Trump's Second Term

As President-elect Donald Trump prepares to assume office for his second term, the pro-disclosure coalition of UAP (Unidentified Aerial Phenomena) advocates stands at a potential inflection point. This coalition—comprising former intelligence officials, military insiders, bipartisan legislators, and scientific supporters—has steadily advanced the cause of UAP transparency in recent years. Given Trump’s own occasional hints of interest in the UAP topic and his promises of transparency in various areas, his second term could bring significant opportunities to accelerate disclosure. However, how this coalition might proceed depends on whether Trump decides to push for a rapid timeline, potentially drawing public attention and acclaim, or whether he prefers a cautious, phased approach in line with Karl Nell’s methodical "Disclosure Timeline." Here’s an exploration of how the coalition could adapt to either possibility.

1. Establishing a Strong Legislative Base for UAP Research and Oversight

With Trump’s renewed authority, the coalition might prioritize consolidating bipartisan support for key UAP-related legislation. The Schumer Amendment, which proposes funding and protections for UAP disclosure efforts, would be an immediate focus. By lobbying Trump-friendly legislators and Trump’s inner circle, the coalition could push for early legislative action that mandates UAP disclosure, funds related research, and protects whistleblowers.

If Trump is inclined to take swift credit for major disclosure breakthroughs, the coalition could highlight legislation as a “historic achievement” that Trump could claim as his own. Acknowledging Trump’s tendency to favor high-visibility wins, the coalition might leverage his desire for recognition to secure quick passage of disclosure-friendly policies. Alternatively, if Trump prefers gradualism, the coalition could emphasize the importance of phased legislation to avoid sensationalism and foster measured public engagement.

2. Creating a Dedicated UAP Oversight Task Force

A significant step for the coalition during Trump’s term would be establishing a permanent UAP task force or oversight body. This entity would not only streamline UAP reporting but also serve as a visible symbol of the government’s commitment to transparency. In alignment with Trump’s desire for high-profile projects, the task force could be a focal point for regular press briefings and public updates, providing an avenue for Trump to engage directly with the public on UAP matters.

The task force could work independently from other intelligence bodies, emphasizing direct presidential oversight and accountability. By setting up this dedicated group early in the term, Trump could claim credit for establishing a new government institution specifically designed to investigate UAPs. This would serve as a concrete legacy while allowing the coalition to drive consistent UAP research and public engagement.

3. Empowering and Protecting Whistleblowers

One of the most vital functions of the pro-disclosure coalition will be to empower and protect whistleblowers like David Grusch, who allege that the government holds critical, concealed UAP information. With the Schumer Amendment providing a legal basis, the coalition could encourage Trump to establish clear protections for UAP whistleblowers, ensuring that individuals within the military, intelligence agencies, and defense sectors can safely disclose verified information.

Trump’s interest in uncovering hidden knowledge, as suggested by his comments on Roswell and JFK files, may make him sympathetic to whistleblower protections. The coalition might position these protections as a means to “drain the swamp” of secrecy around UAPs, appealing to Trump’s anti-establishment sentiments. By doing so, the coalition could facilitate a flow of insider information, enabling unprecedented levels of transparency during his term.

4. Expanding Scientific Research and Academic Collaboration

If Trump adopts a slower approach, in line with Nell’s framework, the coalition could take advantage of this timeline to build robust academic partnerships. Phase 2 in Nell’s plan, which involves expanding scientific and academic involvement, aligns well with the coalition’s vision of destigmatizing UAP studies. During Trump’s term, the coalition might encourage the establishment of government-funded research initiatives with universities and research centers, dedicated to investigating UAP phenomena with scientific rigor.

If Trump opts for faster progress, the coalition could streamline academic engagement through high-visibility conferences and collaborative projects between government agencies and leading institutions. This would allow Trump to claim credit for fostering “groundbreaking” UAP research while building credibility and legitimacy within the academic community. Regardless of pace, involving academia would ensure that UAP research gains long-term traction beyond Trump’s term.

5. Public Data Releases and the Incremental Declassification of UAP Files

If Trump seeks quick and bold moves, one of the coalition’s most immediate strategies could involve releasing specific UAP-related files to the public. This could include declassifying select DoD footage, satellite data, and sensor reports that provide compelling, credible evidence of UAPs. Such releases would allow Trump to create major media moments that captivate public interest while positioning himself as the president who finally unveiled the government’s secrets.

However, if Trump prefers gradualism, the coalition might suggest a schedule of controlled, incremental releases that create steady public interest without overwhelming the discourse. Nell’s timeline calls for slow disclosure, allowing for cautious public engagement and preventing sensationalism. This approach would allow Trump to retain control over the narrative, ensuring that each release aligns with his messaging priorities while still fulfilling the coalition’s transparency goals.

6. Coordinating with Private Sector Partners for UAP Technology Research

Nell’s timeline, particularly Phase 3, envisions extensive private-sector involvement to characterize UAP technology and performance. If Trump’s term allows for rapid expansion of disclosure, the coalition could accelerate private-sector partnerships with defense and technology companies, inviting them to contribute resources and expertise. This could result in collaborations aimed at developing materials or propulsion systems based on UAP findings, with Trump overseeing and promoting these partnerships.

Private-sector collaborations would allow Trump to claim credit for fostering innovation and technological advancement, especially if any findings lead to breakthroughs in energy, propulsion, or materials science. The coalition might frame these partnerships as “American leadership in UAP technology,” appealing to Trump’s interest in positioning the U.S. as a global leader. If a slower timeline is preferable, these partnerships could evolve over time, with phased releases that ensure stable and responsible scientific development.

7. Establishing International Cooperation and Information Sharing

As UAP disclosure becomes a mainstream issue, the coalition could capitalize on Trump’s foreign policy influence to build international cooperation. If Trump seeks rapid results, the coalition might encourage him to establish a multinational UAP task force, inviting allies like the United Kingdom, Japan, and NATO countries to collaborate on data sharing and research. This international approach could create diplomatic moments that Trump could frame as an achievement of his foreign policy.

Alternatively, if Trump opts for slower disclosure, the coalition might focus on gradually building alliances with other nations through scientific collaboration rather than formal agreements. This approach would allow time for diplomatic negotiations and build global consensus without creating political friction. In either scenario, international cooperation would be a significant legacy that reflects the coalition’s goal of global transparency.

8. Preparing for Public Engagement and Cultural Integration

A critical aspect of Nell’s timeline is the final phase, “Engagement,” which envisions widespread public acceptance and cultural integration of UAP findings. If Trump moves swiftly, the coalition could support public engagement initiatives that prepare society for the implications of UAP disclosures. This might include public briefings, educational programs, and media campaigns that normalize UAP discussions within schools, museums, and cultural institutions.

If Trump’s timeline remains cautious, the coalition might adopt a phased approach to public engagement, introducing UAP content gradually to allow for steady cultural adaptation. This approach aligns with Nell’s recommendation to avoid “catastrophic disclosure” by ensuring the public has time to digest new information. In either case, the coalition would aim to make UAP discourse an accepted part of public knowledge, ensuring that Trump’s term leaves a lasting cultural impact.

Conclusion

During Trump’s second term, the pro-disclosure coalition faces an opportunity to advance UAP transparency, either through rapid achievements or a structured, phased approach. Whether Trump seeks quick acclaim through high-profile actions or prefers controlled, gradual disclosure, the coalition’s objectives can adapt to either path. With legislation, whistleblower protections, scientific partnerships, private-sector collaboration, international cooperation, and public engagement on the agenda, the coalition is well-positioned to achieve transformative progress.

Trump’s unique position as an anti-establishment leader, combined with his public interest in transparency, could make him an ideal partner in the coalition’s quest to reveal UAP information. By framing disclosure initiatives as an extension of Trump’s legacy, the coalition can secure his support for either a fast-paced or methodical approach. Ultimately, Trump’s second term could usher in a new era of discovery, accountability, and understanding surrounding UAPs. Whether through swift, high-impact actions or a controlled, step-by-step process, his administration has the potential to redefine humanity’s approach to unexplained phenomena. By aligning disclosure efforts with Trump’s priorities and legacy, the pro-disclosure coalition could unlock new scientific insights, establish lasting public engagement, and foster an unprecedented level of governmental transparency on one of the most compelling mysteries of our time.

Multiple UAP witnesses over the years have suggested that UAPs exhibit characteristics of organic living matter capable of respiration. This theory posits that UAPs may not be mechanical devices but rather living entities.

When observed, UAPs display behaviors reminiscent of animals, albeit with superior capabilities. The rapid movement and the ability to vanish at high speeds when approached seems like an animal instinct rather than a device maneuver.

This theory also elucidates the precise and efficient manner in which cattle and other animals are laser-like mutilated

The document you uploaded is a communiqué from the Instituto Inkari Cusco, signed by Thierry Jamin, the President of the institute, dated November 9, 2024. The statement highlights key points from a public hearing held at the Congress of the Republic of Peru, organized by the “Culture and Cultural Heritage Commission.” This meeting involved discussions around the analysis of the so-called “non-human mummies of Nasca,” specifically focusing on the mummies known as “María” and “Wawita.”

Main Points Summarized:

1.	Authenticity Assurance: The report states that “María” and “Wawita” were not fabricated as part of a modern fraud. This suggests that the examinations did not find evidence that these mummies were artificially created or altered for fraudulent purposes.
2.	No Evidence of Alterations: The communiqué notes that the bodies of “María” and “Wawita” were not modified or altered, based on the analysis conducted.
3.	Phalange Absence: The report mentions the absence of a phalange (finger bone) in “María,” which had already been noted during an earlier analysis in August 2017.
4.	Integrity of the Specimens: It is stated that the body of “María” is considered complete and authentic according to the report.
5.	Limitations on Current Findings: The communiqué emphasizes that the current research does not confirm or contradict prior analysis results achieved over recent years. The investigation is ongoing, and further findings are expected.

Conclusion:

The communiqué reaffirms that the research, including DNA analysis conducted in recent years, supports the authenticity of “María.” These findings point to the presence of extraordinary genetic characteristics, potentially implying advanced genetic manipulations or an unidentified ancient culture from over two millennia ago in southern Peru. The statement concludes by expressing commitment to continued research and promises to provide more detailed information to the public in due course.

Implication:

The document suggests that, based on current analysis, the specimens “María” and “Wawita” are genuine artifacts with unique anatomical features. However, it stops short of confirming the non-human origin definitively, leaning on ongoing research to uncover more conclusive evidence. This supports a stance that the mummies have historical and potentially anomalous significance rather than being recent fabrications.