1509

Since the crackdown on the Colonna and the death of their patriarchs at the beginning of the decade, Rome's streets have been dominated by two families: the Orsini and the Borgia.

The former has long been a staple of the city, whose relevance has grown thanks in large part to their support of Alexander and the Borgias at the beginning of the century--for nature abhors a vacuum, and the Orsini were the best-positioned to fill the vacuum left by the demise of the Colonna. The latter is newer. Less established. Its prominence comes in large part from the patronage of its patriarch, Alexander VI, who over the sixteen years of his Papacy funneled ever-more power and influence into the hands of his nephew, the Gonfalonier of the Church Cesare Borgia. By the time of Alexander's death, there wasn't much in Rome that the influence of the Borgia did not touch.

That meant there was no shortage of work to be done for the new occupant of the Throne of Saint Peter, Julius II, if he wanted to establish his full authority over the Eternal City. The Borgia may still rule in the Romagna and Spoleto--places that were, for the moment, beyond his influence--but they did not rule here in Rome, and he would see to it that Rome bowed to his will, and not the ghost of his predecessor.

New Appointments

The first order of business was switching out a number of appointments made by the Borgia, whose loyalty was to their patrons first and to the Papacy second, with new appointees, whose loyalty was more certain. It would not do for men to be taking orders from the syphilitic Duke of Romagna over the Vicar of Christ.

The first such replacements were small and expected. The Castellan of Castel Sant'Angelo, the fortress at the heart of Rome, was swiftly replaced by the Bishop Marco Vigerio della Rovere, a cousin of Pope Julius and the longstanding Bishop of Senigallia. Though the last Castellan had not been fully a man of the Borgia--in the succession of the Papacy last year, he had refused to turn over the fortress's keys to any but the duly elected Pope--it was complete loyalty that Julius desired in this position, and that loyalty could only be provided by blood.

With control of the Castel secured, only a short ride from the Palazzo Lungara, the Della Rovere had two strongholds at the heart of Rome, reinforced by the slightly farther-flung Palazzo Colonna and Palazzo Della Rovere. These were places that the Pope and his family could count on remaining in their control, no matter where the loyalty of the streets or gates of Rome might lie. In their quest to peel Rome out of the Borgia’s grasp, these sorts of strongpoints would be crucial--Alexander and Cesare, perhaps more focused in their later years on solidifying their Kingdom in Naples than their hold on Rome, had never built a Palazzo of their own in the city.

The next changes were larger. One of Julius’s first actions as Pope was to create Antonio Maria Ciocchi del Monte, the Vice Camerlengo of the Church and the former governor of the Romagna under Cesare Borgia, a cardinal. While on its face strange (why should Julius’s first consistory involve promoting a man loyal to his great rival?), the motivation soon became clear: by promoting Antonio Maria to the College and forcing him to vacate his position as Vice Camerlengo (which tradition dictates cannot be held by a cardinal), Julius cleared the way to appoint his own man.

That man was the Florentine Niccolò Pandolfini, Bishop of Pistoia and the papal governor of Benevento. A long-time client of the Della Rovere family--he had risen to prominence in the Church under Julius’s uncle, Sixtus IV, who had overseen his appointment to both Pistoia and Benevento--Pandolfini was also a personal familiar of Julius, having overseen his education when he was first entering the priesthood. With over thirty years of governing experience under his belt, Pandolfini was qualified for the job, even if governing Rome would be a far greater undertaking than governing sleepy Benevento.

Installed in his new office, Pandolfini almost immediately set about the important task of reestablishing Papal authority in Rome. This, of course, would bring him into direct conflict with the Borgia, whose gangs were the direct target of his ire. In a sort of cruel irony, his greatest assistant in this task would be the former Vice Camerlengo of Rome and a former partisan of the Borgia (who had turned his coat during the Conclave), Francisco de Remolins, who as Commissary Apostolic had been integral in establishing Borgia control over Rome in the first place. Who better to tear it down than the man who built it up in the first place?

Next was the Commander of the Palatine Guard, the force in charge of protecting the Pope’s person and maintaining order in the city of Rome. For much of Alexander’s papacy, that role had been filled by his nephew, Rodrigo de Borja Lanzol de Romaní. Suffice to say, Rodrigo was swiftly relieved of the role upon Julius’s accession. For a time, Julius was said to be considering hiring an outsider for the position--likely a notable from Genoa--but the civil war there ultimately made this proposition untenable, and he instead decided to appoint his niece’s husband (and Francesco Maria’s brother-in-law), Galeazzo Riario.

The final change was the removal of Galeazzo da Sanseverino as Captain General of the Church--a position he had held since his 1505 marriage to Angela de Borja-Llançol y de Calatayud. Despite the significance of this change, the split was surprisingly amicable. Julius made no moves to annul Sanseverino’s marriage (which would have deprived him of the considerable dowry Alexander had provided to secure the match), and Sanseverino had always viewed the job as a stepping stone towards the restoration of his longtime friend Ludovico Sforza to Milan. With that task achieved, he was far more interested in returning to the Milanese court than he was in sticking around Rome. When Julius broached the topic of his removal, he tendered his resignation willingly.

Shortly after his resignation, Sanseverino was replaced as Captain General by none other than Julius’s young nephew, Francesco Maria della Rovere. A man of only nineteen, Francesco Maria lacks the extensive experience of Sanseverino, one of the most experienced commanders in Italy, but his loyalty to Julius is beyond reproach. Though technically subordinated to Cesare Borgia in his position as Gonfalonier, Francesco Maria enjoys the favor of his uncle, making this subordination more a legal fiction than anything else, and equipping him with the authority to begin undoing much of Cesare Borgia’s influence in the Papacy’s military, such as his control of Rome’s gates.

Changing of the Guard

Beyond changes in leadership, the early days of Julius’s papacy have seen a considerable shift in the composition of the forces responsible for maintaining order in Rome. During the Papacy of Alexander, the largest military force in Rome was the Spanish Guard. Comprised of mercenaries drawn from the Kingdom of Aragon (especially in the region around Valencia, where the Borgia patronage network was most pronounced), the Spanish Guard had served as the primary force responsible for maintaining order in Rome and protecting the person of the Pope. What this force lacked in quality, it more than made up for in political reliability. Many of these Spaniards had been on the Borgia payroll for almost two decades. That long standing relationship had built a loyalty that was hard to come by.

And that loyalty was what made keeping them around so unappealing to Julius. If push came to shove, he could never be certain that any given guard captain would choose loyalty to the Papacy over loyalty to Cesare Borgia. That meant they needed replacing. Progressively, these commanders and many of the men under their employ were released from service. Their severance was a generous two years of wages. Better not to have angry men with combat experience gallivanting around the city.

The replacement Julius settled on, after some back-and-forth with the Tagsatzung, was a permanent force of Switzers. Swiss mercenaries were no strangers to Rome--Julius’s uncle, Sixtus IV, had built a barracks in Rome to accommodate Swiss mercenaries during his conflicts with the Kingdom of Naples, and the Borgias had made extensive use of Swiss mercenaries during their wars--but a permanent force was a novel concept. Over the course of 1509, some 800 Switzers under the command of Kaspar von Silenen would take up residence at barracks throughout Rome, taking on not just the duties of protecting the Pope’s person, but also assuming the duties of guarding the city’s gates.

Sometime in 1509,

With the ascendant Palatinate Wittelsbachs the only regional power in a position to enforce their... advisory services upon their neighbor, Friedrich was accepted as regent of Bavaria-Munich. Firstly, the marriage of Friedrich to Sibylle of Munich was "agreed" upon by the relevant estates at a closed session of the estates and Friedrich. Shortly after, the couple were married in Landshut, further up the Isar river, where Friedrich was also formally announced as "Regent of Munich". The ceremony's location in Landshut sent a clear message of the balance of power among the Wittelsbach family. He would insist that he carry out his work as Regent from his residence in Amberg, which was not in the Duchy of Bavaria at all.

Requesting access to all of the late Albrecht's correspondence, necessary for official work, he would say, he saw that the greedy Albrecht had refused to repay the King of Denmark for a gift. Friedrich, in his kindness, decided that this would need to be repaid immediately, with extra on top, from Munich's treasury of course, and an apology from the Regent for the Duke's behavior. To make up for such a sudden outflow, Friedrich decreed that two mortgages of Ingolstadt land would be redeemed to Landshut. The amt of Ebersberg, and the town of Arnsberg would be redeemed by Bavaria-Landshut, to complete their inheritance of the Ingolstadt line. Stewardship of Amberg, Landshut, and Munich was exhausting work however, and the Regent was often seen gorging himself on the Duke's supply of fine food and wine. It's good to be the Regent.

Date: Nov/December 1509

The Minor Council will be rearranging their forces.

With the Republic safe, Tuscany is at peace once again.

November/December 1509

The budget demands to recalibrate military spending elsewhere as the war in Tuscany winds down.

[Disbanding Troops, Demobilizing Ships]

Genoa

April 1509

Following the election of Doge Giano di Campofregoso, the Ghibellines launched an attempted coup d'etat. Attempting to lure the leadership of the Guelph faction into a trap, the Guelphs were tipped off, and most of the leadership escaped before they could be captured.

The institutions of the city were firmly under the control of the Ghibellines, but the Guelphs had something the Ghibellines lacked - the Mob. Ghibelline soldiers, numbering a thousand strong, gave them the best equipped and prepared fighters in the city, but they were stretched so thin - attempting to seize the palazzos, the gates, the walls, and the Doge all at once. They were backed by street thugs, to be sure, but the Guelphs and the Populares were successful in rallying the mob to oppose the coup.

Arriving in Monaco, Doge Compofregoso quickly set about raising forces. The Ghibellines were able to restore order in Genoa long enough to set about raising forces of their own.

##Battle of Varazze - August 1509

Under the command of Gian di Campofregoso and his cousin Otaviano, the Guelph army marched along the coastal road from Monaco towards Genoa. Passing through each Genoese settlement, the army was slowed by local disputes between the Guelph and Ghibelline parties. Nevertheless, by mid-August the army was approaching the settlement of Varazze. Little did Gian know, however, the Ghibellines had prepared to make their defence there.

With the terrain along the Ligurian Riviera being so narrow, most of the fighting was done directly on the road - ancient Roman roads lined the coast - or directly adjacent to it. The Ghibellines were able to set up guns on the high ground, and their pikes were able to drive the Guelph pikes back. Three times Gian tried to force the issue, and push the Ghibellines back, but each time Antoniotto Adorno was able to rally his men to hold their ground. All in all, casualties were fairly low for both sides. The Guelphs would press forward, and when the Ghibellines refused to budge, they would back off.

Despite this battle being more or less a stalemate, the Ghibellines held the ground, and the Guelphs were forced to withdraw through Savona - an ostensibly neutral territory, but a vital passage for the armies.

##Corsican Trouble

With the conflict on the mainland, the situation on Corsica rapidly deteriorated. Trastamara control over the island of Corsica was always tenuous at best, with large amounts of resources being dedicated to Genoese troops being maintained on the island, to keep the native population subdued. With the Republic becoming unraveled, the soldiers of the Signore di Corsica have become disorganized and unable to function as a cohesive unit. Soon enough, the towns and forts along the coast of Genoa break into fighting, as Guelph and Ghibelline factions fight amongst themselves. The situation becomes so serious, that Ferdinando di Trastamara is forced to flee the island as it descends into chaos. He boards a ship for Ostia, and finds a reception in the Papal court.

#Tuscany

##June 1509

The Medici army, aware of their rapidly deteriorating position, withdraw towards Rome, and disband their army. The Republican forces pursue, intent on capturing the Medici, but the army disperses quickly and the leadership are nowhere to be found. Papal forces are mustered to ensure the Florentines aren't trying any funny business, but this situation is quickly defused as the Florentines turn around.

Following intense discussion between Augustine Grimaldi, Jean II Grimaldi and several lower administrators, Monaco is banning the slave trade within its own jurisdiction and will be shutting down the slave market that currently occupies approximately 1/6 of the city space for alternative (and slightly more profitable) uses. Also, something about Christian virtue and charity, Augustine had many thoughts.

Furthermore, Monaco is bulldozing its singular jeweler holding following the collapse of the European jewelry market, also to be reused to better and more profitable ends.

META: Monaco has apparently been elevated from a Lordship to now being the Principality of Monaco, per the most recent announcement in Discord. This action is presently pending recognition from the nearby powers of Genoa ( u/Halfdan_the_Halfman, u/bluespirit220 ), Savoy ( u/a_red_highlighter ) and France ( u/PanzerBirb ), but the Monegasque are very excited by this turn of events! Our thanks to u/Maleegee for expediting this process for us unprompted!

With the conclusion of the conquest of Tlemcen, Sultan Muhammad Hassan I returns to his sideproject of turning al-Maghrib into a green paradise. A learned man, he has increasingly delegated the task of rebuilding the country to the large scholarly community of his realm. As a center of Islamic science and technology, supplemented by large amounts of Andalusis migrants throughout the past two centuries, his various projects in the capacity as Hadjib such as the Great Census and the renewal of the great libraries of Tunis and Qayrawan through mass importation of books and documentation has contributed to building a larger, more vibrant scholarly community in al-Maghrib.

With the Great Census wrapping up, the total population of Ifriqiya is estimated to be a total of around two hundred thousand kanuns (or around a million people). With ample manpower and large, available farmlands uncultivated due to the after effects of a weak makhzan, increasing urbanisation and the nomadic invasions of the thirteenth century, agricultural development remains a large avenue for development of the realm. With the economy of Ifriqiya built around exports, chief of which are grains and raw textiles materials, the next few years will see an explosion in terms of investments and development within these fields spurred on by not only a desire to encourage foreign investments, specifically from the Italian merchant citystates - the traditional partners of North African dynasties, spanning from the times of the trade treatises with Genoa and Pisa in the twelfth century, as well as a growing, new rich rural upper class created by the movement of Amazigh and Bedouin tribesmen onto settled farmlands through the Edicts of Land Reform.

This first installment in the series of posts on North African Economic Development will deal with the first initial wave of foreign investment coming from the rich Italian citystates of Venice and Genoa.

Despite having traditionally not been focused on trade in the Western Mediterannean, being more of the backyard of the Republic of Genoa, the rise of the Shabbid regime in Africa has been followed closely by Venetian merchantmen and politicians alike, who sees it as an opportunity to get a foot in on the rising star of the Islamic world, having been excluded previously by exclusive trading treatises between the Hafsids and Genoa. With the conclusion of the conquest of Tlemcen and the largest gain in prestige the new young Sultan Hassan has received thus far from the Europeans to the North, new wave of investments have poured in, specifically focusing on the highly fertile farmlands on the Mediterannean coast for the cultivation of many different types of foodstuffs, and chief amongst them, sugar.

The history of sugar cultivation in North Africa is long and storied. Lying on the edge of the lands suitable for the cultivation of sugar cane - a tropical crop, the development of sugar cane’s cultivation in the Mediterannean goes hand in hand with the story of Arab expansion and Arab agronomist developments. Throughout the late Islamic Golden Age from the tenth to twelfth century, Islamic agronomist were the catalyst for the rapid experimentation and development of sugar cultivation techniques.

Sugar cane grows best in hot, humid climate with high rainfall. As such, the areas most suitable for the cultivation of this good lies along the coastal farmlands as well as on the flanking farmlands to the North of the Atlas - itself forming a blocker that holds back moisture from the Mediterannean, creating suitable precipitation for sugar cane cultivation. The major limiter in sugar cane cultivation here, however, is temperature and frost - factors that confined the cultivation of sugar cane exclusively to the southern coasts of the Mediterannean. Mild frost damages sugar cane while severe ones kills them. Even conditions of below twenty degrees centigrade still significantly slows down the growth of sugar cane. This limits the growing season usually down to a short cycle of planting in February/March, harvest in January, producing lower quality sugar cane with lower sugar content from the immature products.

Ifriqiyan agronomists would attempt to overcome this issue through a combination of historical and contemporary developments in cultivation techniques. Through the famed Book of Agriculture, written by legendary agronomist Ibn al-'Awwam in the late twelfth century, references to a technique to plant sugar cane from the roots were combined with knowledge passed on from Sicilian merchantmen who reported of attempts to grow sugar cane from the roots first in protected nurseries to extend the amount of time they can be grown for. Thus, the new sugar plantations that spurs up all around the realm now utilises the technique of planting setts remaining from the roots of the batch from the previous year in indoors inside a warmer environment, allowing them to be grown from October all the way to March the year after the next, allowing for a full sugar cane season of eighteen months. This requires significantly more upfront investment, as large, heated brick and mortar warehouses need to be built to store the growing and thus fragile setts, and where foreign investment have to fill in the gaps.

Hand in hand with the development of sugar cultivation comes with the influx of labour demand. Throughout Ifriqiya, unproductive sharecroppers are enticed to work as paid labourers, while additional slave markets spur up as private traders accomodate the demands through the trans-saharan slave trade. Expensive sugar plantations are supplemented by closed up, state run farms for more basic grains such as wheat and barley or fruits and vegetables, the staples of the North African produce economy.

• Construction of Sugar Cane Plantations and Farms with Venetian and Genoese investment, Slave Markets to supplement the labour necessary, and a Trade Hub to facilitate the sale of the additional production.

• Sugar Cane Plantations are 50% more expensive than stock construction prices due to more advanced techniques requiring additional infrastructural investments, though producing higher quality produces (mods feel free to rule on this).

The uptick in French demand for Baltic amber has attracted the interests of the merchants of the Burgundian city of Antwerp. Eager to expand Burgundian trade networks in the Baltic, Antwerp has hosted diplomats from a number of amber-exporting states in the Baltic region with the goal of fixing the price that will be paid for amber by French merchants and jewelers.

In order to not infringe upon the Danish agreement with the Hansa not to enter in trade deals with Baltic powers, the agreement is structured as a series of bilateral treaties between Burgundy and the various amber-exporting states. The amber-exporting states include:

• The State of the Teutonic Order
• The Duchy of Pomerania
• The Duchy of Mecklenburg
• The Kingdom of Denmark
• The Kingdom of Sweden

Each bilateral agreement will read as follows:

The Amber Exporting States will agree that all amber shipped through the Danish straits from their Baltic ports must be brought to market in Antwerp.

The Duchy of Burgundy will establish an amber price committee to sit in Antwerp made up of:

• 2 representatives of the Teutonic Order
• 2 representatives of Pomerania
• 1 representative of Mecklenburg
• 1 representative of Denmark
• 1 representative of Sweden

The amber price committee will have the right to decide the price at which amber will be sold at the market in Antwerp. The prices of amber at the markets in Konigsberg, Stettin, Wismar, and Copenhagen (edit: and Stockholm) will be set to a fixed percentage of the Antwerp price.

The Duchy of Burgundy will punish any merchants found to be selling amber below the rates set by the amber price committee.

The Duchy of Burgundy will keep records of all amber arriving in Antwerp and the amber-exporting powers will keep records of all amber leaving their ports. These records will be cross-checked annually, and any merchants found violating the treaty will be punished.

#July 1509

Little by little the world changes. Ancient borders shift in the aftermath of war. The needs of Kings and governance evolve beyond mounted knight and sewn fields. Those three Scandinavian Kingdoms, for so long the backwoods of Europe and divided, are bound stitch by stitch not only to each other, but into the tapestry of the world. Also we love megaposting.

New Lands, New Me

Aftermath

The campaign against Muscovy had been a resounding success. The thunder of Royal guns had cracked the Russian fortresses like eggshells, and a new generation of commanders have started making a name for themselves. However, these new gains must be secured against potential recapture in the future.

• For Prince Christian, the campaign represents his first independent command, and he has proven himself a capable one at that. As the army and fleet returned to Copenhagen before disbandment, he is knighted by King Hans and inducted into the Fellowship of the Mother of God.

• Søren Norby, a lesser nobleman of Norway, was instrumental in the capture of Kaporye in a night-time raid. For his services, he is to be knighted and granted fiefs at Haraldsborg and Börringekloster. (Constructing a fruit farm in B2C and oat farm in B25)

• A major investment of 150,000 florins will be made to fortify the mouth of the the Neva River, coincidentally at the site of old Landskrona. This new district south of Vyborg to the Neva River will be managed as a Royal military district, with [Peder Turesson](https://sv.wikipedia.org/wiki/Peder_Turesson_(Bielke\)) named its first governor. The name of this fortress shall be Nyenschantz.

Furs

With the trading post maintained in Ivangorod and the mouth of the Neva secured, the fruits of the fur trade are now the Triple Crown's to pick freely.

• 100,000 ducats will be spent to sponsor the Baltic Trading Company's expansion into trapping for furs in Karelia(off map). Additionally, the company is granted a monopoly on the fur trade in the Baltic and Union markets. The Company will find no shortage of buyers beyond the Sound either, for the faktorier in Antwerp provides a significant source of demand.

• 10,000 ducats will be used to sponsor the establishment of clothmakers in Stockholm, the embryo of our own industry with which to use these furs.

Row, Row, Row Your Boat

The Royal Navy

Previous reforms have already established an administrative and logistical framework for the maintenance of the King's fleet. As trade with other regions of Europe and our own eastern territories increases, so too does the importance of naval superiority. Such superiority does not come from solely the number of ships able to be put to sail, but the quality of their captains, training of their sailors, and the security of their supplies. Working with Prince Christian in Oslo, the King promulgates a set of decrees across the Kalmar Union in what will be known as the founding of the Royal Navy as a permanent institution.

• Henrich Krummedige is appointed to the new position of Lord High Admiral of the Royal Fleet. This position would essentially merge the operational leadership of the Danish, Norwegian, and Swedish fleets under a single official. 20,000 florins and 20,000 ducats will be spent to establish for the position its own secretariat and offices alongside that of the High Clerk of the Royal Fleet.

• Captaincy appointments within the Royal Fleet shall be suggested by the Lord High Admiral for review and confirmation by the King. With few exceptions, the great majority of them will be held by officers from the high and low nobility and come with a salary. This is a response to the decline in heavy cavalry as a factor in the army, and provides an outlet for service to the Crown to justify their tax exempt status. It is in this area that the Norwegian aristocracy can really shine due to their longstanding naval tradition.

• Other officer ranks will primarily draw from the lesser nobility and seagoing merchant families.

• Sailors, which largely do not serve as combatants, will be sourced from both the port towns and criminals, who will be allowed to choose between imprisonment and a term of service aboard the fleet.

• While its primary home is at the new Royal Shipyard on Slotsholm, additional dedicated shipyards are to be established for servicing the fleet. This includes 100,000 florins for royal shipyards at Flensburg and Oslo(BE4 and AFA(?), owned by the Crown).

• Funding for the royal navy is to be provided from the tax income of Norway to the crown. (As Norway is NPC'd, I think the best way would be to have Norway begin paying vassal tax due to the growing binding of the Kingdom to the monarchy).

• For the occasion, Hans has ordered the construction of two great ships to serve as the pride of the Scandinavian fleet. They will be named the Engelen and Maria.

No way, Norway

As the navy grows, so does its needs. Iron for nails and anchors, bronze for cannons, timber for planks and masts, hemp for rope, flax for sails, the list goes on. Prince Christian has been hard at work aiding the establishment of crown ventures in some areas and fostering private investment in others to secure these resources. One notable difference in the effort is the introduction of new water-powered mills and German mining techniques that bring with them better efficiency.

• A papermaker shall be sponsored at Borg(BD1, owned by regional merchants)

• Iron mines are to be established across Sweden. 60,000 ducats forwarded to Swedish officials for setting up Crown and merchant holdings.

• Copper mines are to be established at Seljord(1C8C?) and Gullnes(1C8B?). Lord High Admiral Krummedige already owns a copper mine in Sandsvær, but if it doesn't exist I'll build it(BEB, owned by Danish nobility). 30,000 ducats.

• Gruveåsen hill has had reports of silver findings. A crown venture shall be established to prospect and exploit any veins.(BEB, owned by regional merchants).

• 50,000 ducats shall go towards three crown-owned and two merchant-owned logging camps in southern Norway(BE7, BEB, BEC, BD2, BD3)

[M]: Total expenses:

• 290,000 ducats

• 270,000 florins

• 6 hours of my time

August 1509 - Antalya

“You do understand just how ludicrous this all sounds, correct? You’re almost asking me to believe in a fairy tale, or some drunken Venetian’s tale told in the dingiest tavern in Ragusa. Yet… look, start from the start. All the details. Convince me.”

Şehzade Korkut’s head was pounding. Some of it was due to dehydration - he had not had a drink of water in a short while - but even that could be related to the second cause. He had been told the most fantastical tale by some of the Porte’s more inquisitive types, whom he had put on his payroll, but the worst part was a good half of him believed it. It was an utterly complicated story, and one filled with conjecture at that, but somehow, it seemed realistic in some ways. A thread spanning multiple cities, two continents, and a series of events so unlikely one might truly believe it was only possible through Allah’s will.

The story was retold, and Korkut spent more time thinking about it. The delegations, the dagger, the languages… even the development of the land and the fascinations seemed to fit. He knew he was likely to be ignored, and even if not he knew little of how he would use what he learnt, yet still he began to pen some letters.

To the Sultan Bayezid II, Caesar of Rome (and all other applicable titles),

I hope this letter finds you well, Father. I am doing well myself, with the news coming from the Maghreb being of particular note. The House of Osman extends its reach now as far as Mers-El-Kébir, and these facilities we build shall allow us greater safety throughout the Sea. However, matters that may or may not be of importance have come to my attention, after careful investigations by the agents of our Sublime House.

Extensive investigations were in fact conducted by my agents regarding the Sultan Hassan Al-Shabbiya, and much evidence, though circumstantial, seems to indicate as to his origin. A decade ago, processions from the Lord of Monaco and the Count of Narbonne had come seeking captives of import, but only one was ever found. The other had apparently disappeared, in an event seemingly related to the death of a particular slave trader. This slave trader, named Al-Jijil, can be traced to a dagger held by the young Sultan, which he is said to name the Blade of Al-Jijil. Circumstantial, but interesting.

Furthermore, the young Sultan also bears many traits that aid us in the coming conclusion. The languages he speaks, his fascination with European systems… I thus find myself believing that Hassan Al-Shabbiya is none other than this slave taken from Narbonne. Furthermore, I believe I have identified him as Gaston de Foix, heir to Narbonne, who disappeared almost a decade ago and would now too have just reached adulthood. This tale can further be explained should it be deemed necessary, though the degree of conjecture may make it seem ludicrous.

I remain, of course, your faithful servant, - Şehzade Korkut, Governor of Antalya

A similar letter is drafted and sent to Hayreddin and Piri in La Goulette, to be kept clear of prying eyes until then.

June 1509

Naples, Kingdom of Naples

-----

It had been a flurry of activity around Naples once word arrived that the King had departed Sicily and would be arriving in the city within the next week. The Virrey de Napóles had many long meetings with the Gran Canciller, Giovanni Raimondo de Cardona. 

A grand ceremony took form. Field guns and their artillerists, veterans of the great victory at Bovesia, were hauled to the Castel Sant’Elmo for a salute once the King landed at the dock. The whole of the Neapolitan administration -- the Consiglio Collaterale, the Governatori of each of the administrative regions, representatives of much of the Neapolitan nobility, the baroni -- arrived in the city in advance of the King, debating with the Gran Canciller over their position in the ceremony. 

The day arrived. El Gran Capitan dressed in his best, his servants having worked through the night to polish every button and buckle to a mirror finish. The King’s sword, presented to de Córdoba upon his being dispatched to Calabria in the lead-up to the war with the Borgias, had been polished and sharpened. Reverently, he wore it at his hip as he proceeded down the mole once the King’s squadron came into sight on the south-western horizon.

Naples exploded into motion once the ships were sighted. The artillerists scrambled to the Castel Sant’Elmo; de Córdoba’s personal guard, their halberds polished and black cloaks ironed, marched in orderly rows behind their charge; the nobility galloped to the quayside to assume their positions. 

As Ferdinand descended the gangplank, El Gran Capitán knelt with the Consiglio Collaterale and Governatori. 

“Mi Rey, a vos presento Napóles,” de Córdoba pronounced, as the King approached. He removed the scabbard from his belt and held the King’s sword in both hands before him. “Five years ago nearly exactly, Your Majesty, you entrusted this blade to me. I pray I have done it honor, and used it well, in the campaigns since -- from Seminara to Bovesia to Salerno. Now that Naples has been returned to its rightful King, I see it as fitting that this sword return to its rightful master as well.”

The sword returned, he stood and walked alongside and just behind the King, reviewing the assembled guards as they proceeded towards His Majesty’s city. There would be time later for discussing matters of state, for the moment, it was all ceremony.

The Velvet Glove

In these early days of spring 1509, as the Imperial Diet looms and promises of ecclesiastical reform hang in the air, the mind of Lorenz von Bibra, Prince-Bishop of Würzburg and Duke of Franconia, turns to the nearby See of Bamberg and its occupant, Georg Schenk von Limpurg. Considerations both spiritual and temporal converge on this point, for in the union of these two bishoprics under Würzburg's gavel, Lorenz perceives an opportunity to advance the cause of reform while elevating his own stature within the Imperial Church.

Yet the path to such an outcome is far from clear, strewn with obstacles both canonical and political. To navigate this treacherous terrain, Lorenz understands, will require a delicate interplay of historical argument, legal manoeuvring, diplomatic persuasion, and judicious application of earthly treasure. It is a dance that must be performed in the halls of power both secular and spiritual, in the courts of emperor and pope, in the cloisters of cathedrals and the chambers of city councils.

To begin this intricate process, Lorenz turns first to the task of building a historical and legal case for the proposed unification of the sees. He instructs his most learned canon lawyers to delve deep into the archives of Würzburg and Bamberg, to unearth the shared roots and intertwined histories of these two ancient seats of Franconian Christianity.

They scour the dusty tomes and yellowed parchments, tracing the story back to the very founding of Bamberg by Emperor Heinrich II in 1007, on territory carved from the original Diocese of Würzburg. They point to the close familial ties between the noble houses that have traditionally held sway in both sees, from the counts of Andechs and Merania in the 12th and 13th centuries to the Schencks von Limpurg in more recent times.

Particular emphasis is placed on the recurrent tensions and jurisdictional disputes that have arisen between Bamberg and Würzburg over the centuries, portrayed as evidence of the inherent instability and inefficiency of their continued separation. The lawyers argue that the original division was a politically motivated act, driven by the exigencies of a long-ago imperial power struggle rather than any sound ecclesiastical rationale.

They buttress these historical claims with a battery of legal arguments drawn from canon law and the writings of respected Church authorities. The decretals of popes and the opinions of theologians are marshalled to support the contention that the consolidation of dioceses, under certain circumstances, can serve the greater good of the Church. The current climate of calls for reform, the lawyers suggest, provides just such a context, in which the streamlining of ecclesiastical administration and the pooling of resources for the defence of Christendom against the Turk could be seen as ample justification for such a move.

As this historical and canonical foundation is being laid, Lorenz simultaneously sets in motion a carefully orchestrated campaign to cultivate support for the idea among key players in the imperial power structure. Chief among these is the Emperor Maximilian himself, whose backing would lend invaluable legitimacy to any proposed reorganisation of the Imperial Church.

To this end, Lorenz dispatches his most skilled diplomats and orators to the imperial court, men like the humanist scholar Konrad Adelmann von Adelmannsfelden, who he knows shares Maximilian's enthusiasm for church reform. They are charged with the delicate task of planting the seed of the Bamberg-Würzburg merger in the emperor's mind, not as an overt proposal, but as a subtle suggestion, an intriguing possibility that might serve Maximilian's own agenda.

The envoys engage the emperor and his advisers in learned discussions on the state of the Church, the need for reform, and the challenges of organising the proposed crusade against the Ottoman Turks. They paint a picture of a reinvigorated and streamlined Imperial Church, better able to serve the spiritual and temporal needs of the German nation, with Würzburg as a model of enlightened and efficient ecclesiastical governance.

At the same time, they are careful to frame the potential incorporation of Bamberg as a means of strengthening imperial authority in the region, a counterweight to the centrifugal tendencies of the great noble houses and the particularist ambitions of the free imperial cities. A unified Franconian see, loyal to the emperor and supportive of his reformist agenda, could serve as a valuable protector of Habsburgian influence in the heart of the empire.

While these high-level diplomatic manoeuvres are underway, Lorenz also sets in motion a more covert operation aimed at securing the support of key players within Bamberg itself. He is keenly aware that any move to absorb the bishopric will be fiercely resisted by those who currently hold power and profit from the status quo—the cathedral canons, the civic officials, the local nobility. To overcome this opposition, he knows, will require a careful campaign of persuasion and inducement, a mixture of carrot and stick applied with the utmost discretion.

To lead this effort, Lorenz turns to his most trusted and shrewd operatives. They are provided with ample funds from the princely coffers of Würzburg and tasked with identifying and cultivating potential allies within the Bamberg establishment.

Their first target is the cathedral chapter, the body of clerics who hold the right to elect the bishop. Lorenz's agents begin by discreetly sounding out individual canons, gauging their personal ambitions, their grievances with the current administration, their receptivity to the idea of a merger with Würzburg. Those who show promise are then approached more directly, with offers of lucrative prebends, influential positions, and other inducements should they lend their support to the Würzburg cause.

Similar overtures are made to key figures in the Bamberg city council and the surrounding noble families. Merchants and artisans are promised new trading privileges and reduced tariffs, while restive knights are tantalised with the prospect of enhanced status and expanded influence under a unified Franconian church.

Lorenz is careful, however, not to rely solely on bribery and back-room dealings. He understands the importance of also cultivating a public image as a pious and reform-minded prelate, a true shepherd of souls dedicated to the spiritual welfare of his flock. To this end, he makes a series of highly publicised visits to Bamberg, ostensibly to confer with Bishop Georg on matters of church governance and pastoral care.

During these visits, Lorenz makes a point of celebrating Mass in the cathedral, preaching to the assembled faithful on the need for restoration and purification within the Church. He meets with local clergy and religious orders, listening to their concerns and offering his support and guidance. He also makes sure to be seen distributing alms to the poor and visiting the sick in the city's hospitals and hospices.

All the while, Lorenz's agents are hard at work behind the scenes, carefully documenting every aspect of their campaign. They compile dossiers on each of the key players in Bamberg, detailing their personal foibles, financial entanglements, and political allegiances. They keep meticulous records of every bribe offered and every promise made, ready to be deployed as leverage should the need arise.

Simultaneously, Lorenz's legal team is busy drafting a series of formal petitions and legal briefs, laying out the case for the unification of the sees in meticulous detail. They cite historical precedents, canonical justifications, and practical arguments, all crafted to paint the merger as not only permissible but positively desirable from the perspective of the Church and the Empire.

As the spring of 1509 blooms into summer, Lorenz begins to sense that the moment for action is approaching. The groundwork has been laid, the pieces meticulously placed on the chessboard of Franconian ecclesiastical politics. All that remains is to await the opportune moment to make his move.

Whether that moment will come in the form of a particularly propitious alignment of forces at the upcoming Imperial Diet, the sudden death or incapacitation of Bishop Georg, or some other unforeseen turn of events, Lorenz cannot yet say. But he remains ever watchful, ever ready to seize the initiative when the time is ripe.

For now, the velvet glove of diplomacy and persuasion remains the instrument of choice, the iron fist of more forceful measures held in reserve. But Lorenz is under no illusion that the path ahead will be smooth or bloodless. He knows that there will be resistance, opposition, perhaps even outright conflict before his vision of a united Franconian church can be realised.

Yet he remains undaunted, driven by a potent mixture of personal ambition, dynastic pride, and genuine conviction in the righteousness of his cause. As Prince-Bishop of Würzburg and Duke of Franconia, he feels a sacred duty to lead his flock through these turbulent times, to strengthen and reform the Church he has sworn to serve.

And so Lorenz von Bibra bides his time, watching, waiting, plotting, ready to deploy the velvet glove or the iron fist as the situation demands. The game of ecclesiastical chess continues, the fate of Franconia's spiritual future hanging in the balance.

###Summary

• Building a compelling historical and legal case for the merger of the two sees, drawing on centuries of intertwined history and canonical arguments about the benefits of consolidation for the cause of church reform.
• Cultivating political support from Emperor Maximilian and the imperial court by subtly positioning the merger as a way to strengthen Habsburg authority in Franconia and promote the emperor's reformist agenda.
• Bribing key power brokers within the Bamberg establishment, including cathedral canons, city officials, and influential noble families, to win their backing for the Würzburg takeover.
• The Prince-Bishop is publicly presenting himself as a pious and reform-minded prelate through high-profile visits to Bamberg, public masses and sermons, and conspicuous acts of charity, in order to build popular support and counter potential opposition.

July 1509

From the beginning of Isabella and Ferdinand's reign, both tried to expand Spain's influence and prestige in the city that stands as the heart of Christendom. This effort began in the 1480s as Ferdinand and Isabella answered the calls and pleas of the Spanish Franciscan Father Amadeo to become patrons of the convent and church of San Pietro in Montorio, which were held by some to be built on the location of the crucifixion of Saint Peter. Through this, they paid for the reconstruction of the Church, which they continue to support to this day, and other projects near the chapel, such as the Tempietto del Bramante, which Isabella paid for in 1502. These desires to deepen Spanish connections in Rome led to the establishment of a permanent embassy between the Crowns of Spain and the Holy See in 1475, and these desires have not diminished any further since this time.

With peace established once more in Italy, the Papacy and the Crowns of Spain have agreed that Spain would purchase the Palazzo Madama, the previously-rented residence of the late Cardinal Giovanni de Medici, but owned by the Ottieri family. This will now be the permanent residence of the Spanish Ambassador and Spanish Cardinals who are visiting or residing in the city unless they wish to live elsewhere. In addition, Spain plans to renovate the Palazzo to increase its splendour further and significantly increase the Crown's reputation as a patron of art and culture. Contracts for paintings and sculptures will be made available to some of the greatest artists in both Italy and Spain to facilitate this renovation and turn it into the finest residency in the entire city.

In addition to the Palazzo, the Crowns of Spain have also decided to expand their patronage of churches in the city from just the San Pietro in Montorio to greater heights. In the heart of Rome itself, funds were allocated for the construction of a new church, which was a symbol of reticence architecture as well as the faith of the Catholic Monarchs. Just as with the Palazzo renovations, calls to the most outstanding architects, painters, and sculptors in Christendom will be made to contract their work for the project.

With this effort, the Crowns of Spain hope to expand their influence and prestige within the Holy City and to solidify their position as a patron of art and culture.

• The Crowns of Spain are purchasing the Palazzo Madama from the Ottieri family for 250,000 ducats.
• The Crowns of Spain are investing 150,000 ducats into renovations of the Palazzo.
• The Crowns of Spain are constructing a new Church in the heart of Rome and dedicating 250,000 ducats to the project.

13 August 1509 Tenda, Comte de Tenda

Renato tugged at his collar. The muggy summer air was stagnant inside the chapel. He had not intended to be in Tenda, yet he was happy to be there. Funerals did not have to be a somber event, he thought to himself.

“Lord, hear our prayer.” The priest finally concluded.

Anne’s quiet sobs gave way to an erratic breathing pattern, a separate cadence from her typical labored breathing from pregnancy. Renato would allow her to grieve, no matter how annoying he found it, the man was after all her father. Jean-Antoine II de Lascaris, comte de Tende and Ventimiglia, and lord of Mentone. No doubt he would be a footnote in future history, Renato thought. Nevertheless, a lucrative marriage, his internal monologue told him.

Within hours of the funeral, the documents had been signed and codified. First, allowing Anne to inherit the lands and titles of her late father. Then, ones confirming that Renato would rule the former lands of the Lascaris as Comte Jure Uxoris. Lastly, the merging of Renato’s line with that of Anne’s and the creation of a cadet dynasty of Savoy-Tende.

By the next full moon, Renato had incorporated his former father-in-law’s arms into his own, quartering the cross of Savoy with that of the black eagle of Ventimiglia. Preparations, were underway to see Renato, a heavily pregnant Anne, and their young son Claude move into Anne’s childhood home. After years of trying to prove himself, going from bastard to count, Renato took a deep breath in satisfaction.

—--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

[M]

Jean-Antoine II de Lascaris, comte de Tende and Ventimiglia, and lord of Mentone dies.

Anne Lascaris inherits her father's titles.

Per the wedding agreement between Jean-Antonie and the House of Savoy, Renato di Savoy becomes Comte de Tende and Ventimiglia, and lord of Mentone Jure Uxoris. Comte de Tende de joins the Savoyard vassal swarm.

𝕽𝖎𝖌𝖍𝖙 𝖙𝖗𝖚𝖘𝖙𝖞 𝖆𝖓𝖉 𝖜𝖊𝖑𝖑-𝖇𝖊𝖑𝖔𝖛𝖊𝖉, 𝖜𝖊 𝖌𝖗𝖊𝖊𝖙 𝖞𝖔𝖚 𝖜𝖊𝖑𝖑. 𝕬𝖓𝖉 𝖜𝖍𝖊𝖗𝖊𝖆𝖘 𝖎𝖙 𝖍𝖆𝖙𝖍 𝖕𝖑𝖊𝖆𝖘𝖊𝖉 𝖙𝖍𝖊 𝖌𝖔𝖔𝖉𝖓𝖊𝖘𝖘 𝖔𝖋 𝕬𝖑𝖒𝖎𝖌𝖍𝖙𝖞 𝕲𝖔𝖉 𝖔𝖋 𝕳𝖎𝖘 𝖎𝖓𝖋𝖎𝖓𝖎𝖙𝖊 𝖒𝖊𝖗𝖈𝖞 𝖆𝖓𝖉 𝖌𝖗𝖆𝖈𝖊 𝖙𝖔 𝖘𝖊𝖓𝖉 𝖚𝖓𝖙𝖔 𝖚𝖘 𝖆𝖙 𝖙𝖍𝖎𝖘 𝖙𝖎𝖒𝖊 𝖌𝖔𝖔𝖉 𝖘𝖕𝖊𝖊𝖉 𝖎𝖓 𝖙𝖍𝖊 𝖉𝖊𝖑𝖎𝖛𝖊𝖗𝖆𝖓𝖈𝖊 𝖆𝖓𝖉 𝖇𝖗𝖎𝖓𝖌𝖎𝖓𝖌 𝖋𝖔𝖗𝖙𝖍 𝖔𝖋 𝖆 𝖕𝖗𝖎𝖓𝖈𝖊𝖘𝖘 𝖙𝖔 𝖙𝖍𝖊 𝖌𝖗𝖊𝖆𝖙 𝖏𝖔𝖞 𝖆𝖓𝖉 𝖎𝖓𝖜𝖆𝖗𝖉 𝖈𝖔𝖒𝖋𝖔𝖗𝖙 𝖔𝖋 𝖒𝖞 𝕷𝖔𝖗𝖉, 𝖚𝖘, 𝖆𝖓𝖉 𝖔𝖋 𝖆𝖑𝖑 𝖍𝖎𝖘 𝖌𝖔𝖔𝖉 𝖆𝖓𝖉 𝖑𝖔𝖛𝖎𝖓𝖌 𝖘𝖚𝖇𝖏𝖊𝖈𝖙𝖘 𝖔𝖋 𝖙𝖍𝖎𝖘 𝖍𝖎𝖘 𝖗𝖊𝖆𝖑𝖒, 𝖋𝖔𝖗 𝖜𝖍𝖎𝖈𝖍 𝖎𝖓𝖊𝖘𝖙𝖎𝖒𝖆𝖇𝖑𝖊 𝖇𝖊𝖓𝖊𝖛𝖔𝖑𝖊𝖓𝖈𝖊 𝖘𝖔 𝖘𝖍𝖔𝖜𝖓 𝖚𝖓𝖙𝖔 𝖚𝖘 𝖜𝖊 𝖍𝖆𝖛𝖊 𝖓𝖔 𝖑𝖎𝖙𝖙𝖑𝖊 𝖈𝖆𝖚𝖘𝖊 𝖙𝖔 𝖌𝖎𝖛𝖊 𝖍𝖎𝖌𝖍 𝖙𝖍𝖆𝖓𝖐𝖘, 𝖑𝖆𝖚𝖉 𝖆𝖓𝖉 𝖕𝖗𝖆𝖎𝖘𝖊 𝖚𝖓𝖙𝖔 𝖔𝖚𝖗 𝖘𝖆𝖎𝖉 𝕸𝖆𝖐𝖊𝖗, 𝖑𝖎𝖐𝖊 𝖆𝖘 𝖜𝖊 𝖉𝖔 𝖒𝖔𝖘𝖙 𝖑𝖔𝖜𝖑𝖞, 𝖍𝖚𝖒𝖇𝖑𝖞, 𝖆𝖓𝖉 𝖜𝖎𝖙𝖍 𝖆𝖑𝖑 𝖙𝖍𝖊 𝖎𝖓𝖜𝖆𝖗𝖉 𝖉𝖊𝖘𝖎𝖗𝖊 𝖔𝖋 𝖔𝖚𝖗 𝖍𝖊𝖆𝖗𝖙. 𝕬𝖓𝖉 𝖎𝖓𝖆𝖘𝖒𝖚𝖈𝖍 𝖆𝖘 𝖜𝖊 𝖚𝖓𝖉𝖔𝖚𝖇𝖙𝖊𝖉𝖑𝖞 𝖙𝖗𝖚𝖘𝖙 𝖙𝖍𝖆𝖙 𝖙𝖍𝖎𝖘 𝖔𝖚𝖗 𝖌𝖔𝖔𝖉 𝖘𝖕𝖊𝖊𝖉 𝖎𝖘 𝖙𝖔 𝖞𝖔𝖚𝖗 𝖌𝖗𝖊𝖆𝖙 𝖕𝖑𝖊𝖆𝖘𝖚𝖗𝖊, 𝖈𝖔𝖒𝖋𝖔𝖗𝖙 𝖆𝖓𝖉 𝖈𝖔𝖓𝖘𝖔𝖑𝖆𝖙𝖎𝖔𝖓, 𝖜𝖊 𝖙𝖍𝖊𝖗𝖊𝖋𝖔𝖗𝖊 𝖇𝖞 𝖙𝖍𝖎𝖘 𝖔𝖚𝖗 𝖑𝖊𝖙𝖙𝖊𝖗𝖘 𝖆𝖉𝖛𝖊𝖗𝖙𝖎𝖘𝖊 𝖞𝖔𝖚 𝖙𝖍𝖊𝖗𝖊𝖔𝖋, 𝖉𝖊𝖘𝖎𝖗𝖎𝖓𝖌 𝖆𝖓𝖉 𝖍𝖊𝖆𝖗𝖙𝖎𝖑𝖞 𝖕𝖗𝖆𝖞𝖎𝖓𝖌 𝖞𝖔𝖚 𝖙𝖔 𝖌𝖎𝖛𝖊 𝖜𝖎𝖙𝖍 𝖚𝖘 𝖚𝖓𝖙𝖔 𝕬𝖑𝖒𝖎𝖌𝖍𝖙𝖞 𝕲𝖔𝖉 𝖍𝖎𝖌𝖍 𝖙𝖍𝖆𝖓𝖐𝖘, 𝖌𝖑𝖔𝖗𝖞, 𝖑𝖆𝖚𝖉 𝖆𝖓𝖉 𝖕𝖗𝖆𝖎𝖘𝖊, 𝖆𝖓𝖉 𝖙𝖔 𝖕𝖗𝖆𝖞 𝖋𝖔𝖗 𝖙𝖍𝖊 𝖌𝖔𝖔𝖉 𝖍𝖊𝖆𝖑𝖙𝖍, 𝖕𝖗𝖔𝖘𝖕𝖊𝖗𝖎𝖙𝖞, 𝖆𝖓𝖉 𝖈𝖔𝖓𝖙𝖎𝖓𝖚𝖆𝖑 𝖕𝖗𝖊𝖘𝖊𝖗𝖛𝖆𝖙𝖎𝖔𝖓 𝖔𝖋 𝖙𝖍𝖊 𝖘𝖆𝖎𝖉 𝕻𝖗𝖎𝖓𝖈𝖊𝖘𝖘 𝕰𝖑𝖎𝖟𝖆𝖇𝖊𝖙𝖍 𝖆𝖈𝖈𝖔𝖗𝖉𝖎𝖓𝖌𝖑𝖞.

𝕲𝖎𝖛𝖊𝖓 𝖚𝖓𝖉𝖊𝖗 𝖔𝖚𝖗 𝖘𝖎𝖌𝖓𝖊𝖙 𝖆𝖙 𝖒𝖞 𝖑𝖔𝖗𝖉𝖘’ 𝖂𝖆𝖜𝖊𝖑 𝕮𝖆𝖘𝖙𝖑𝖊 𝖎𝖓 𝕶𝖗𝖆𝖐𝖔𝖜. 𝕿𝖍𝖎𝖘 𝖙𝖍𝖊 𝕿𝖜𝖊𝖓𝖙𝖎𝖊𝖙𝖍 𝖉𝖆𝖞 𝖔𝖋 𝕬𝖚𝖌𝖚𝖘𝖙, 𝖎𝖓 𝖙𝖍𝖊 𝖄𝖊𝖆𝖗 𝖔𝖋 𝖔𝖚𝖗 𝕷𝖔𝖗𝖉 𝕺𝖓𝖊 𝕿𝖍𝖔𝖚𝖘𝖆𝖓𝖉 𝕱𝖎𝖛𝖊 𝕳𝖚𝖓𝖉𝖗𝖊𝖉 𝖆𝖓𝖉 𝕹𝖎𝖓𝖊.

Right trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well. And whereas it hath pleased the goodness of Almighty God of His infinite mercy and grace to send unto us at this time good speed in the deliverance and bringing forth of a princess to the great joy and inward comfort of my Lord, us, and of all his good and loving subjects of this his realm, for which inestimable benevolence so shown unto us we have no little cause to give high thanks, laud and praise unto our said Maker, like as we do most lowly, humbly, and with all the inward desire of our heart. And inasmuch as we undoubtedly trust that this our good speed is to your great pleasure, comfort and consolation, we therefore by this our letters advertise you thereof, desiring and heartily praying you to give with us unto Almighty God high thanks, glory, laud and praise, and to pray for the good health, prosperity, and continual preservation of the said Princess Elizabeth accordingly.

Given under our signet at my lords’ Wawel Castle in Kraków. This the Twentieth day of August, in the Year of our Lord One Thousand Five Hundred and Nine.

Lübeck, 1509

Franz Biberkopf. Where has he been? What has he done!? He's been a fisherman and a soldier, he's sailed the seas and walked the land, but now he won't do any more sailing, neither will he walk, not any longer, not this man. Against all odds, Franz has landed himself a cushy position as a clerk for Saint Christopher. Franz Biberkopf. Watch him stride, see him strut. Gaze upon him as he… records sales? As he hands out credit? Franz Biberkopf. Watch him bend, watch him scribble, watch him spill some ink on a pine-wood desk. See him perch his lips, see him frown his brow, watch him, observe him, apprehend and comprehend… Franz Biberkopf, a company man.

How can this be? This blonde fellow, this brawny bloke, this terror of the fish of the seas and the beasts of the land, this spirit so free, this rolling stone, that gathered no moss, until now, only three books, and a talking fish, what happened to him, what has he done, how come he is now caught, trapped, fish-like himself? What has he done? Has he swam into a fluke? Has a fisherman caught him in his hempen net?

Not so. First of all, it was not a fisherman that trapped Franz between the red-bricked walls of the House of Saint Christopher, but his old friend, the flounder, himself a fish. One day, returned from war, like many before him had done, like many before him had neglected to do, Franz strolled along the embankments of the Trave, kicking up sand, trampling the grass, splashing the mud, and breaking the north-western winds with his large and bulky chest. "Fish!", he cried, "Flounder!", he yelled. And he strolled and he strutted, crying "Fish!" and screaming "Flounder!", and he walked and walked, and kept screaming and yelling, yelling and crying. But Franz Biberkopf was unlike the other men, who similarly cried out for fish and flounders; he thirsted not for their meat and their blood but instead for the knowledge with which they could provide him - or at least, with which one of them could provide him. And so, as Franz reached Travemünde, and the great greyness of the Baltic sea imposed itself upon his sight, the hero of our story once more encountered his mystic mentor, the fount of all knowledge, the stranger in a strange land, though to him no land is strange. We mean, of course, the flounder.

The flounder had grown in Franz' absence. Where once it had been quite the squirmy little fish, that first day, when it jumped upon the deck of his ship, it now looked stronger, healthier, larger… The flounder had taken on something of a princely state. His liquid eyes gazed blankly outward, not seeing anything, or so it seemed; still, Franz reckoned he observed, floating in the depths so dark, something of a sparkle, a little light; and by this our observant protagonist, Franz Biberkopf, who might well have been a poet and a philosopher if life had treated him better- by this one sparkle, he knew that the Flounder was proud.

"Welcome, Biberkopf", spoke the Flounder, as he raised his head from the foam. Our Franz bowed low. "Flounder", he simply said. "The books of which you spoke, I have taken them. Verona has burned, and then we left, and from what I've heard, it's been burned once more. But the books are safe." The Flounder opened his mouth, parted his wet, soggy lips, as if to speak, but closed it again. Franz watched it splutter. "I have not been able to read the books. For as you know, flounder, I cannot read. And besides, I'm of half a mind to believe that the Lombards cannot write."

A tide of foam enveloped the Flounder, though he remained unmoved. "Try once more, Biberkopf. Seek and you shall find. Read and you shall learn." Once more the Flounder opened his mouth in that strange way, as if gasping for air. His voice, evidently, emerged from somewhere else. "In the fair town of Lübeck, there is a man, Hans Castorp by name, who values one of your books greatly. It contains formulas and spells, enough to bewitch all the realm. Bring it to him, have him read it, and I assure you, young Biberkopf, no more shall you hungry be; not for food, not for wealth, not for… other things." The Flounder looked at him. Though his eyes could not see, black and deep as they were, the simmering light grew greater and greater; pride swelled to the surface.

Another wave hit the Flounders head. As it retreated, leaving crabs, shells, and seaweed in its wake, it left no fish: Franz' mentor had disappeared.

That same day, Franz Biberkopf, hero of our story, entered Lübeck by the Holsentor, strolled down the streets, saw the men with their white-collered cloaks, saw the roofs of the houses sliding off, and went to the Marktplatz, there to admire the two great spires of the Marienkirche. He entered the House of Saint Christopher, demanded to speak with the magistrate there, and thereupon delivered into the hands of Hans Castorp a finely-illustrated print of the Summa de arithmetica, for which he received not only a pat on the bank, but also a salaried position in Castorp's office. And so, this one-time fisherman, one-time landsknecht, has once again undergone a metamorphosis, and, through the industry of the ever-spinning Fates, been turned into that which he never dreamed he could be; a literate clerk.

Joanna Tauber now no longer has to leave her house to catch a glimpse of this mysterious other, this light in the darkness, who once only appeared to her on the crowded market square. A fellow of her uncle, he now often comes over to join them for supper. So too do the other clerks, it's true; but no clerk seems possessed of such import, imbued with such destiny, as old Franz Biberkopf. When the sun has set and the moon is high, when the candles have been lit, when the hearth breathes fire - this now is when our Joanna, poor, orphaned Joanna, beholds her Franz. A fisherman, a landsknecht, a literate clerk, dressed in furs and linen? Every evening, during supper, and every night in her dreams, to Joanna, Franz only comes in one appearance; as a man of princely state…

TL:DR; Franz Biberkopf gives the head of the Bank of Saint Christopher in Lübeck an Italian book explaining how doube-entry bookkeeping works. For it, he is rewarded with a position in the Bank and in the intimate circle of Lübeck patrician Hans Castorp. The potential for a romantic affair with Castorps niece, Joanna Tauber, is hereby greatly increased.

June 1509

Ferdinand stood atop the ship, looking at the fleet approaching him. Some 20 vessels baring the colours of some of the most prominent families in Naples sailed out to meet him and conduct him into port; and, as he touched the shores of his new dominions, the air was rent with acclamations of the people, and with the thunders of artillery from the fortresses, which crowned the heights of the city, and from the gallant navy which rode in her waters.

The King was arrayed in a long, flowing mantle of crimson velvet, lined with satin of the same color. On his head was a black velvet bonnet, garnished with a resplendent ruby, and a pearl of inestimable price. He rode a noble white charger, whose burnished caparisons dazzled the eye with their splendor.

On the mole they were received by the Great Captain, who, surrounded by his guard of halberdiers, and his silken array of pages wearing his device, displayed all the pomp and magnificence of his household. After passing under a triumphal arch, where Ferdinand swore to respect the liberties and privileges of Naples, the pair moved forward under a gorgeous canopy, borne by the members of the municipality, while the reins of their steeds were held by some of the principal nobles. After them followed the other lords and cavaliers of the kingdom, with the clergy, and ambassadors assembled from every part of Italy and Europe, bearing congratulations and presents from their respective courts. As the procession halted in the various quarters of the city, it was greeted with joyous bursts of music from a brilliant assemblage of knights and ladies, who did homage by kneeling down and saluting the hands of their new sovereign. At length, after defiling through, the principal streets and squares, it reached the great cathedral, where the day was devoutly closed with solemn prayer and thanksgiving.

The next day, a call would be made to all parliament members, the Kingdom's knights, and the most prominent figures in Italy. Games and celebrations would be held to celebrate Ferdinand's arrival in the Kingdom, which would put the ones hosted the year before to shame in their grandeur and size. After these were complete, a parliament would be held, as well as petitions with all those who wished to meet with the King.

[Published June 1509, Distributed Locally]

BY THE AUTHORITY OF THE SENATE AND PEOPLE OF THE FREE CITY OF HAMBURG

The Rathus has begun a new initiative to boast agricultural production within the city. A surplus of urban laborers, and increasing baltic grain prices have driven the city to adopt several measures for the development of the Vierlande-Bergedorf region.

Funds have been released for the creation of new Farms in these areas, which possess exceedingly good soil, and are presently home to only minimal pastoral production. A suite of Rye, Barley, Wheat, Oats, and Hazelnut farms are planned for each, for ten total. The effort should not only secure Hamburgs own food supply during times of famine, but also potentially allow Hamburg to become a grain exporter. The current population of unemployed and poor Frisian, German laborers might also be given a way of productively contributing to the polity, from outside its walls...

A total of 116,000 Ducats have been released for the project. 50,000 Ducats have been earmarked for each of the Verlande (9CB) and Bergedorf (9C6) provinces, with senatorial managers being assigned to each. Each manager has been alloted some 4,000 Ducats to facilitate the project. These funds are to be used to attract workers to enter tennet contracts on the land, as well as resolve any potential boundary disputes which may arise. 8,000 Ducats have also been allocated to make any necessary road repairs in the vicinity. Of particular interest is access to the areas various ferry's, bridges, and other water infastructure. This work is to be directed by the civil administration in Bergedorf, overseen by the Senatorial Roads and Canals subcommittee.

May the Work of our Grand City continue to furnish the German People!

The effort is to accompany the reorganization of land rights within Hamburg more broadly, meant to sustain the operations of the new Order of Saint Ansgar, operating out of Bergedorf. Six properties currently owned by the city government have been transfered to Bergedorf Castle. These include a Rye farm and Dairy Farm in Vierlande (9CB), as well as Barley, Wheat, Hazelnuts, and Ranching productions in Wandsbek (9C5). Bergedorf Castle will become the new landlord of these propoerties, while taking over responsibility for paying taxes to the Rathus on them. The Bergedorfs new tenets are to be protected from non-contracted rent increases, and Hambrug will retain the right of first refusal in the event these properties come up for sale in the future.

XXI MAIUS, ANNO DOMINI MDIX

Following the completion of the Romzug and the retaking of Ferrara from the rebellious Ferrante d’Este, Duke Francesco Gonzaga returned to his lands in Mantua. In particular, he returned to the newly constructed Palazzo San Sebastiano, completed the year prior. A true palace located at the edge of the city, complete with beautiful artwork done by Lorenzo Leonbruno, Lorenzo Costa, and Carlo del Mantegna, the Duke took to it immediately. He established his court there — bringing his young children from the Castello di San Giorgio to the Palace — and got to work.

The architects of the Palazzo San Sebastiano, Bernardino Ghisolfo and Gerolamo Arcari, were not permitted much rest. The Duke had an idea that had been percolating since he’d met with the Emperor a few years prior, and was raised to his current rank: a proper Ducal palace.

With that in mind, the Duke contracted Ghisolfo and Arcari yet again for another project — the Palazzo Ducale di Mantova.

The project will build off of the pre-existing Castello di San Giorgio, the traditional residence of the Gonzaga family, and the Corte Vecchia, consisting of the Palazzo del Capitano and the Magna Domus, where the court traditionally has resided. These two buildings will be connected into one grand palace, joined around a new Piazza, with additional apartments being built around the Castello and the Corte alike — to expand the court to one befitting a Duke, and befitting the grand vision he has for Mantua.

Considering the cost of construction, as well as the cost of paying the grandest artists in Italy for their work to decorate the new palace, Ghisolfo and Arcari have come up with the sum of 350,000 ducats — and an estimated completion time for the new palace of 3-4 years. Once complete, the Palazzo Ducale will become the center of Mantua — housing the Gonzagas and all the notables of court, with space for many more.

[m: as worked out in the ticket, 350k ducats over 3-4 years. Will pay in 20 ticks of 17.5k ducats per tick.]

[Based off of this map, the pink/yellow/green areas (as well as where the Basilica is IRL) will become apartments, and the Piazza Costello will also be built.]

April/May 1509

After half a hundred years a true Doge once more rules in Genoa!

Eccellentissimo Giano II di Campofregoso donned the red crown and golden scepter of the office of Doge. He swore to defend the Republic and its citizens, to uphold its Institutions and traditions. As a symbol of thanks to his Populare allys, and the citizens of Genoa, on the day of his victory he also made a large charitable donation to the Mount of Piety of Genoa.

Giano also gave a public address, thanking Paolo da Novi and other notable Populares for their report and promising to pursue government reform as part of his agenda.

By the beginning of May Eccellentissimo was fully moved in to the Palazzo Ducale. As was traditional he provided the entirety of his own furnishings and decorations. He named his cousin Ottaviano Fregoso Captain of the Palace Gate and Fregoso men were appointed to garrison the enciente.

Only time will tell how Giano is remembered as the 42nd Doge of the Republic of Genoa, but for now the City is calm and the tone is hopeful.

[M: The new Doge moves in to the Palazzo Ducale. He makes a donation of 20k ducats to the Mount of Piety of Genoa]

Ali al-Mandri was an old man, older than most could expect in his situation. A noble from Grenada, Ali had already been sporting a head full of grey hairs when he was driven from Grenada in 1492, alongside the rest of the Kingdom. He was more than fifty then. He was even older now. Time had, all things considered, been kind to the man. Despite his age, he was still in good health, and while he may have creaked and groaned as he rose in the morning, he was still capable of administering the city. Of course, he was not without help in this.

He was joined in this by his ideological compatriot, and his most gifted in law, Lalla Aisha bint Ali ibn Rashid al-Alami, who was married to his nephew. Despite her young age, as she had not yet turned 20, she had turned out to be one of the more capable administrators within Tetouan, and the people of the city loved her. Ali Al-Mandri, for his part in this, was accepting. He was an old man, and his children were old men, as some of them had already begun to show their own grey hairs. Lalla Aisha had grown well connected with the Corsairs of the city, and she had grown familiar with (whichever one of the Barbarossa brothers helped Hassan), the pirate who had helped Hassan secure the Zayyanid realm. Oruc Reis, for his part, had sent a number of letters to Lalla Aisha, and it was from these letters that she had grown a deep respect for Hassan, and for his military tactics. Silently, she hoped that she would someday be able to meet the man, to see the genius who had so quickly caused the defeat of three dynasties, one of which he defeated through his simple existence. The mere knowledge that he was a threat was enough to topple a dynasty.

Ali and Lalla, despite the decades that separated them, got along well. Lalla had developed her own deep hatred for the Spanish, and the two of them, usually but not exclusively joined by her husband and other key advisors, would often spend long nights scheming a return to the mainland. Ali al-Mandri would often remark that, so long as he was able to reclaim Al-Andalus, that his work would be completed, and that Allah may finally allow him to rest. Allah, of course, had other plans for him, and while the man complained of his aging bones, he could not realize that he had another nearly 40 years left ahead of him. He could only pray that Allah would protect him, and that his mind would stay strong even as the ravages of time continued to tear into him. To outlive one child was a tragedy. To outlive them all? Ali shuddered at the thought.

He could not complain too much, though. It was thanks to his long life and good health that he had lived long enough to see the meteoric rise of the Brotherhood, ruling from Tunis, who had swiftly changed the nature of Maghreb politics. Already, brothers tricked in from the easy, preaching their beliefs, and in Tetouan they found a great many willing to listen. Many residents had been forced out by Spain, and the knowledge that there was now a ruler capable of repelling Spanish advances while leading his own was a cause for celebration. Like Lalla, Ali desired to meet Hassan someday, so that the old man may pledge to him his sword in the reconquest of Al-Andalus. If nothing else, Ali was devoted to defeating the Spanish, and he was willing to do virtually anything that would give him a leg up in his quest to reclaim the lost Kingdom of Al-Andalus.

Hello. I'm sorry to make this sort of post again, but maybe EP is not for me. I thank the mods for their patience and hope that the France team can bring their plans to fruition as well as having fun. Thanks for explaining the ropes to me.

With the fall of the Zayyanids of Tlemcen, the north of Morocco was falling into chaos. However, in the south, the Emir of Sous had arisen to newfound ambitions. A man of the Sa’ada, or Saadi: Abu Abdallah Muhammad ibn Abd al-Rahman al-Qaim bi-Amr Allah, a man called by God.

Sultan Muhammad ibn Nasir Bu Shantuf Hintata had launched his own war against the Portuguese, to retake what the Wattasids had lost. However, his war had been a failure in most regards, and the ruler of Marrakesh had gone quiet since. With no action taken in the wake of the Shabbid invasion of the Zayyanids, the Sultan’s inaction in what was being perceived as a growing Shabbid threat rubbed the Sharifian establishment of Morocco in the wrong way. To have this man in charge while dealing with the Shabbids – a brute warlord who could fight but do little else – it would not do.

Then there was the Emir, Abu Abdallah Saadi. He had seen visions, and he had had them explained by a Sufi Sheikh, who had explained to him that if he took action now, a great young Sultan would rule Morocco after him, and expel the Portuguese. Since Abu Abdallah had two bright sons, he took this to be a most auspicious vision, and he began sending feelers into the rest of Morocco. Soon, he would learn that the lesser emirs – mainly those elites who held up their noses at the Hintata – had no reason to stand in his way.

With a swift offensive led by his son Mohammed al-Shaykh, the Saadian forces poured from Sous into the plains south of Marrakesh. Sultan Shantuf gathered his loyal tribal forces and sent for men from the rest of the realm, but no one came to his aid. With a coalition of both old pro-Wattasid elites and anti-Hintatid jihadis backing him, Emir Abu Abdallah vanquished Sultan Shantuf, and entered Marrakesh in early 1509. Throughout the year, he would mediate and reach settlements with the other emirs of Morocco until he was crowned Sultan in late summer, when he established his government in Marrakesh.

However, not all would reach settlements with the new order. The Confederacy of al-Rif had nothing to do with the Saadians or Sharifians. They challenged the new sultan to subjugate them, for otherwise they would rule themselves just fine. Furthermore, the former protectorates of Zayyanid Tlemcen felt no need to submit themselves to Abu Abdallah; they would still have to see which way the wind was going to blow.

Summary: the Saadian Emirate replaces the weak Hintatid Sultanate; al-Rif becomes independent.

Ali al-Mandri has survived quite a lot. Forced from his home in Al-Andalus, he had no choice but to make a new home for himself in the Maghreb. That, however, was nearly 20 years ago. What was once a glorified refugee camp has turned into a new, but developing, city, complete with defenses, infrastructure, and it's own complex political situation.

But all of these matter little to Ali Al-Mandri. He has dreamed the same dream every night since leaving Al-Andalus, a dream of returning on a great horse and laying waste to the Spaniards. With the defeat of the Zayyanid order, and their Spanish backers, by the Hassan the Thunderbolt, it seems as though Allah is sending a message to Ali. The Andalusians still remember their home, and with the grace of god and the brilliance of some favored generals, Ali Al-Mandri and his children may someday be able to reclaim their birthright. For all his success in Africa, Ali Al-Mandri will never stop dreaming of reclaiming his lost home. He need only find a man capable of helping him secure it.

As the city of Tetouan, I would work to flesh out Ali Al-Mandri and his family, and pursue policies to grow our autonomy from the Hinatnids, by working with the Shabbiyan brotherhood, aiming for Ali Al-Mandri to become an influential voice within what appears to be the future dominant faction in North Africa. With cooperation with this rising power, Ali will also pursue a policy of investment into the city itself, creating new mosques and new production facilities so that the city may grow wealthier. Corsairs are on the rise, after all, and if Tetouan can secure itself as one of the premier ports of call for Barbary Corsairs, a wealthy and influential future lies ahead of it.

Ali Al-Mandri will also work to expand his influence, and to become the sole governor of the Rif. Not out of any political ambitions, but so that he may better mobilize its resources to prepare for the triumphant return of Islam into the lands currently held by the vile Iberians. Saddiya Al-Hurra is also present within Tetouan, as her first husband, the nephew of Ali Al-Mandri, is not yet dead.

Sultan Muhammad Hassan I, Sovereign of Africa, reigns supreme over all of Tlemcen. Throughout the past decades, the declining Abu al-Wadids have done all they could to sell their realm out to the Catholic Spaniards, committing acts of heresy through the creation of God’s words by machine, and as their people start to abandon them, they search for additional security in those who have no connection to the sacred lands of al-Maghrib, in the Spanish and in those beyond the sahara.

Much work is to be done to restore the lands from Tlemcen to Algiers to its former glory. Unlike in Ifriqiya, where the Fulmenian Reforms (as referred to by Leo Africanus) initiated by the Sultan, then Hadjib (Palace Chamberlain, basically a Prime Minister/Grand Vizier title) Hassan, brought in change, the lands ruled by the Abd al-Wadids scarcely saw any investment by their Sultan into the lands which they rule over. The roads of the realm lie decrepit, plagued by scoundrels and outlaws who prey on travellers and traders alike. The only well maintained over land route in the entire country lies between Tlemcen and its port connection, Oran. As such, the entire realm in essence, was the three major cities, with heavy dependent on the sea for communication and trade between the two. The roads connecting Bejaia to Algiers, Oran and then Tlemcen, as such, would be incorporated within the Roman roads renovation project that had been undergoing for the past two years under Shabbid rule in Ifriqiya, hopefully to revitalise rural development on this land.

Deeper inland, where Bedouin and Amazigh tribes roam, the same story goes. The state cannot extends its makhzan over these lands, and so the tribes maintain in essence, complete autonomy. Here, over years prior to the conquest, the Shabbiyya Order has established a presence, the words of the Mahdi turn Sultan spread like wildfire. With Shabbiyya shaykhs deeply imbedded amongst these tribes, they begin the role of arbitrating disputes, mediating settlements between tribes, and provide for spiritual guidance, while collecting a common law tax, the ’ada, that they’ve been sending back to the tax collectors of Kairouan. In a sense, life did not change much for the Amazigh tribes of the hinterlands, for they were essentially already subjects to, if not the political, at least the temporal authority in Kairouan.

As these lands now find new masters, the Shabbid court begins to work tirelessly to reorganise the mosaic that is the former Sultanate of Tlemcen. Three urban provinces, Tlemcen, Oran and Algiers are to be established, with the governorships to be assigned by the Crown for a length of five years, or until the Sultan deems their service and performance to not meet the standards he expects. These governorships would hold power over not just the inner city itself, but also large portions of the surrounding rural countryside that provides for much of the food they eat, and the food they exports through their grand ports, in the case of Oran and Algiers.

The remaining lands, heavily rural and deeper inland, pastoral, lies under the jurisdiction of the Shaykhs. Indeed, similar to in Ifriqiya, organisation and governance of highly autonomous regions that traditionally the state has had issues with extending the makhzan over would fall upon the umbrella of the Saints whom sit on the Majlis-ash-Shura. As, in essence, the Shabbid regime in Ifriqiya had been two state in one, a centralised urban state with its core along the coastal cities of al-Maghrib, and a murabit-lead and ruled, Maraboutic confederal state with the Shabbiyya as the first amongst ‘equals’, this rule of order now extends from Tripoli to Tlemcen and all those inbetween.

The most important development, however, would be the Edicts of Land Reform that would be passed in the aftermath of the conquest of Tlemcen. High on the triumphant victory for the faithfuls against the forces of evil, the Sultan in his majesty, now empowered beyond his previous capacity as the Hadjib of the Realm, issues a multitude of ordannaces that would have wide reaching impact on al-Maghrib, not only within his lifespan, but for centuries to come.

The Edicts, which in Ifriqiya, would be backed up and go hand in hand with the Great Census, tracking those who received land through grants made by the Hafsid Caliphs or through favours with governors under Hafsid rule, while in Tlemcen, would essentially follow the more indiscriminate line of essentially anyone who served as part of the high nobility whom enjoyed favour with the Abd al-Wadids. They in essence, target these demographics, and seize the holdings that they own. This would be done for two reasons.

The first is on the basis of security, for a lot of the nobility whom had backed the Hafsids and the Abu al-Wadids retain potential for future dissent, and their entrenched generational status, while harmless now as the Shabbid state is at its most ascendant, could pose a danger to the Shabbids in a future period of fitna, or during the reign of any weaker Sultan than the Glorious Muhammad Hassan.

The second reason is still on the basis of security. The Mahdi is backed by the forces of countless Amazigh tribes, to whom they swear unquestioned loyalty for. However, loyalty does not feed the appetite, and so the Sultan knows much better than anyone else, that his allies and devoted followers need to be rewarded. In addition, demographic pressures of conflicting pastoral space, limited due to increasing desertification over the past two centuries, between Bedouin and Amazigh tribesmen, has been intensified over the preferential treatment Amazigh tribes have been receiving under Shabbid rule. Meanwhile, much of the North African agricultural potential remain unrealised, with limited Crown authority and the proliferation of crime and lawlessness causing people to flee from the countryside and to the major city. The removal of large section of the Amazigh population as pastoral nomads and the settling of them not only serves a political, it also serves an economic purpose.

Thus, while the people cheered for the triumphs and the celebrations, and as the military power of the Black Banner reign supreme and uncontested, backed by Muhammad Hassan’s ‘myth of invincibility’, come the most wide-ranging upending of the social order the Maghreb has ever seen since the Hilalian invasions two centuries ago.

• 125,000 ducats would be spent over the next 3 years in addition to the ongoing budgetary expense to renovate Roman roads.

• Integration of Tlemcen and the extension of the governing regime that had been in place in Ifriqiya under Shabbid rule.

• Seizure of land and redistribution to reward Amazigh allies (specific post follow up this with more details and analysis of the implications is to come out later as well).

• In practice, this means the seizure of the 21 holdings that is listed as "Hafsid Nobility" or "Bejaia Nobility" on the sheet, with the 4 mines holdings (3x Salt Mines and 1x Gold Mines) to be placed under direct Crown control, 7 of the farms holdings to be placed under "Shabbia Nobility", essentially members of the prior existing nobility class who had supported the new regime, with the remaining 10 farms to be placed under "Settled Shabbia Amazighs".

• For holdings in Tlemcen, Tlemcen Nobility would be wiped off the map, the state to reappropriate the holdings, replaced with "Shabbia Nobility" and "Settled Shabbia Amazighs" at a much more favourable ratio to the Amazighs, some 6 Settled Shabbia Amazigh holdings per 2 Shabbia Nobility holdings. The state would retains some of the holdings previously held by Tlemcen nobility (though not much, like maybe a gold mine, or something similar in terms of strategic value).

##April 1509, City of Genoa

Following the independence from the French, the political and institutional freedoms of the Superb Republic of Genoa had been reinstated for the first time since 1458.

With this new freedom came an onslaught of ideas and ways to have elections, the first elections of a new Doge, in over half a century. In the short time frame that was provided, it was decided to have an election in two rounds. The first, with a popular vote of the people of the city, to decide Tribunes. Eight of them in fact, which would then decide one among their number to become Doge, with the rest constituting his government, which would work in concert with the anziani and the minor factional councils.

The build-up to the elections was intense to say the least. While the minor councils comprising respectively of the Guelph and Ghibelline factions appeared to have decided on a common candidate, Battista Spinola, an up and coming individual of 37 years of age, chosen for his family's connections with the new Pontiff, Julius II of the Della Rovere. Other minor candidates presented themselves, but another major one - who would be Spinola's main opponent - would be Giano II di Campofregoso, a veteran soldier and politician, who claimed distance from the more francophile elements of his factions and positioned himself as a loyal soldier of the Republic, in comparison to the younger Spinola.

(With paper ballots being anachronistic) The vote was conducted in various communes with coloured balls. Campofregoso had acquired, following concessions, the electoral support of Paolo da Novi and the populares, which blunted the more obvious attempts by the Ghibellines to intimidate voters in certain communes. The voting was fierce, and brawls erupted on certain occasions, but ultimately the result was clear.

The make up of the tribunes was the following - three Guelphs were elected, then two populares and finally three Ghibellines. Due to the alliance between himself and the populares, Giano wins a majority of the tribune vote to be elected Doge.

With this election, it provides an opportunity for the new government to prepare electoral reforms for the next election. The populares having extracted from Giano a promise to instate two-year terms for the Doge, as well as granting greater liberties for the populares and limiting the power of the anziani.

June 1509 - Antalya

The Zayyanids dynasty barely had had time to fall before Şehzade Korkut heard of the matter, wasting no time in both congratulating the upstart Hassan, and in starting work on things which had already been negotiated with the leader of the Shabbia before they had even taken Tripoli. Assembling funds from his own city and Konstantiniyye alike, he sent forth orders to his men and merchants alike to begin the construction of projects in the newly conquered cities.

For Algiers, though it was yet to be formally announced by Sultan Hassan al’Shabbiya, the Ottomans were to be allowed to take the Christian trading quarters of the city in Bab el-Oued, to make their own. Whilst the facilities for the purpose of trade would prove sufficient, the art found there was to be considered as distinctly too Christian for such a change in governance, and thus Korkut and the Sublime Porte are to earmark 200,000 ducats for the commissioning of artists to fill the quarters with Islamic sculptures and other artworks, rivalling the splendour of other centres of Muslim trade.

In Mers-El-Kébir, however, the situation would be much different, as what was offered as concessions by the Sultan Hassan was much more practical in nature. To serve the Ottoman navy and those corsairs in the good graces of the Sublime Porte, a state of the art naval workshop would be built up in the already fortified harbour, combined with a large fortified barracks permitting for the housing of up to 5,000 soldiers. These facilities are to facilitate extending Ottoman naval presence westward, of course, as well as to aid in fortifying the strategic harbour. This large fortified complex of barracks and workshop is estimated to cost 250 l,000 florins, which Şehzade Korkut is more than happy to allow for.

[m] commissioning Islamic art for what is soon to be an ottoman trade centre in Algiers for 200,000 ducats, and 250,000 florins for a large fortified barracks and naval workshop in Mers-El-Kébir.

When Hassan first marched his armies, there were some doubters amongst the ranks. A sixteen year old boy, as the Mahdi? Those doubts would quickly be quenched by victory after victory. Awlad ar-Rawajis, Tripoli, El-Kahla, Tunis, and now Tlemcen. Hassan became a Mahdi to his devoted followers, and a fearsome Sultan to others.

The job is done, but work lies ahead of him, he must not rest.

[Troops are demobilised]

11th June, 1509

Peace, Finally

With the end of the war, the Duke of Norfolk finally marches his men back south, to return to their homes.

[Lowering all troops and ships]