Early-Mid 1960 - United States of America

As the United States continues to tackle issues of inequality and voting rights, the issue of nearly one million Americans in the capital city of the United States not being represented nor able to vote for any federal office has become a pressing matter. Residents of Washington, D.C. have long called for increased autonomy from Congress and the ability to vote in national elections, though their calls until recently had scantly been taken seriously. However, freshman Republican Senator Kenneth Keating of New York offered a thorough amendment to an unrelated act of Senator Kefauver to completely overhaul the way Washington, D.C. operates, utilizing the little known power granted to Congress to allow the citizens of the federal district to vote in state the land was retroceded from, as seen in the 1801 Organic Act to completely restore the voting rights of Washington, D.C. residents as if they were residents of Maryland, allowing for Washington D.C. to be made its own House district as part of Maryland, and giving residents of Washington, D.C. the ability to run for federal office (but not any state offices) as if they were inhabitants of Maryland. This legislation would remove the need for modifying the Constitution, keep Congress in control of Washington, D.C., and restore the voting rights of residents of the capital for national office. It would also nearly ensure a citizen of D.C. would be elected to the House, as the capital had more than enough residents to have one House seat wholly located in the capital, while also being the majority of the electorate for a second seat. Combined with being able to vote in Maryland's Senate elections, this will wholly restore the representation of residents of the district. [M] For specifics on the way this would work, I will co-opt the relevant parts of the 2004 proposal. [/M]

Following some back and forth with amendments, eventually the DC voting retrocession was passed in both chambers of Congress by itself, with the resolution to take effect immediately, with an additional two Representative temporarily given to Maryland (bringing the House total to 437) to reflect the capital's population, with the additional members to be removed after apportionment following the 1960 census. Both House seats would invariably be dominated by Democrats, while the Senate seats all of a sudden had a massively Democratic tilt; though Senator Beall was already planning on retiring from office after his term, it was now all but a certainty his replacement would be a Democrat. State offices weren't impacted, but the Maryland Republican Party lamented its newfound irrelevance in federal politics outside of a few House seats. In Washington, D.C. itself the residents were ecstatic to finally be able to vote for President and have Congressional representation, though the goal of home rule still had yet to come, at least oversight of the District would now have the input of DC. In Maryland, the response was muted, though Maryland's state government did not fight the legislation, most saw the intrusion of DC's voters as an unwelcome surprise.

Early-Mid 1960 - United States of America

After President Eisenhower announced he would not seek or accept the nomination of his party to serve a second term a year before the 1960 National Convention, the Democratic Party has been abuzz about possible replacements. After the bruising midterms decreased the Democratic House majority to barely 20 seats and the eagerness of Republicans to make civil rights a major issue in 1960 became apparent, many congressional Democrats were bracing for a tough election. After several public foreign policy missteps further hampered the credibility of Democrats and Southern Democrats became increasingly frustrated and militant at President Eisenhower’s attempts to force through civil rights enforcement, the number of Democrats who were looking for the nomination seemed slim. Few Congressional Democrats appeared to have interest in seeking the nomination for 1960, with Senate Majority Leader Lyndon B. Johnson (at one time considered the most likely nominee owing to his “moderate” stance on segregation and decent relationship with all sides of the Party) bowing out of consideration early. His thinking, along with that of other Democratic incumbents, seems to be a lack of confidence in the Democratic Party’s electability and lack of desire to try and prevent a split with the South.

As December rolled around to January, speculation and internal Democratic discussions had become centered on three men, Vice President John F. Kennedy, Minnesota Senator Hubert Humphrey, and Secretary of State Adlai Stevenson II, with some discussion also put on an ongoing Draft Russell movement from disaffected Southerners. For his own part, ever since he learned that Eisenhower wasn’t going to be running for a second term (something he only learned about in a news flash, since Eisenhower rarely informed the Vice President of his business) Kennedy had been in consultation with his father and brothers on if a run for President was advisable. He was only 43 and had made many connections over the past four years, running in a year where Democrats seemed poised for defeat and the South seemed likely to split like it had in 1948 did not seem necessary. Even more so when, unlike Nixon, he had little to gain from it. While he couldn’t immediately go back to the Senate, with Saltonstall all but certain to win re-election, he could make a run for Governor of Massachusetts and likely win it with ease. Furcolo couldn’t run again and he would not face serious opposition for the nomination, while the Kennedy machine could likely overcome even the best Republican challenger. Still, Kennedy was internally debating the merits of going for the nomination on the off chance he could emerge victorious.

After much debate with Robert, Ted, and his father over the winter, as well as a frank conversation with Jacqueline, Kennedy called a press conference in Washington to announce he would not seek the Democratic nomination and instead stated he was planning on running for Governor of Massachusetts. He refused any questions, but most Democratic insiders saw the move as a purely strategic decision. The Kennedy clan were known for their cunning and strategy, if they deemed the presidential race as a doomed cause, there was no need to rush a nomination. Contenting themselves with dominance in Massachusetts and biding their time for a more favorable shot at the White House was doubtlessly the decision of Joseph, though the Kennedy brothers seemed relieved to not have to fight a losing battle on the national stage.

With Kennedy and Johnson both officially out of contention, that left Secretary of State (and former Governor of Illinois) Adlai Stevenson II and Senator Hubert Humphrey, as well as an insurgent Southern run by Richard Russell. Unlike 1948, the Dixiecrats seemed more organized and ready to wage a real fight for the South, in the aftermath of the Southern Manifesto and Eisenhower “betraying” the South, many insiders feared that the whole South could bolt unless they were placated at the convention. Senior party officials and insiders, though, found such a compromise hard to implement in 1960, with Republicans already touting their record on civil rights and promising more legislation. Thus, as the primaries began in March, there was unease over what the convention would bring, especially as there were talks of state parties seceding from the Democratic National Committee and forming a more cohesive successor to their successful 1948 break away party.

As campaigning for the primary began, the Stevenson campaign was trying to strike a moderate tone on civil rights to appease the South, while the cash strapped Humphrey campaign came out swinging in favor wide ranging civil rights legislation and repealing Taft-Hartley in a bid to overcome Stevenson in grassroots support. This gambit partially paid off, as the South endorsed favorite sons or Richard Russell outright, while Humphrey won several contests in the Midwest off the back of heavy union support and black turnout. Stevenson, for his part, won the Illinois primary and those in New England, as well as winning delegates in all other non-Southern contests. Though this did weaken his position going into the convention, he still held out hopes of coming up with a compromise with the Southern Democrats to preserve party unity.

the 1960 Democratic National Convention

By the time the Democratic National Convention met in July, all hopes of compromise with the South had died. After the last primary in early June, President Eisenhower, with Republican support, managed to pass the Civil Rights Act of 1960. On top of the volatile situation in the South prior, the suddenness of the Civil Rights Act passing and its proximity to the Democratic National Convention caused immediate chaos (as predicted by Republican agents). President Eisenhower did not even attend, saying ill health forced him to stay in Washington, while many other senior Democrats looked on in horror at what now seemed like an inevitable split. Humphrey’s delegate slate was made up of New Deal progressives, who began clashing with the “Fire-Eaters” from the Southern delegations. Stevenson, for his part, was desperately trying to put out the fire by trying to play up his moderation on civil rights to his Southern counterparts, though it was a losing battle as the embattled Secretary of State was already being threatened with the hemorrhaging of Northern support to Humphrey’s floor managers.

On the first ballot, Stevenson led with 508 ballots to Humphrey’s 348 and Russell’s 330, with a smattering of favorite sons taking up the rest of the ballot. Well short of the 762 votes needed to win the nomination, Stevenson’s floor managers tried to strike a bargain with the South by promising to place Senator J. William Fulbright of Arkansas on the ticket and working to moderate the civil rights plank on the platform, which seemed to be on the path to perhaps finding a temporary accord with the South, but an unknown (presumed Stevenson-affiliated) delegate leaked details of the bargain to the floor, which caused a Northern revolt against Stevenson. By the second ballot, shifts had seen Humphrey leading with 674.5 delegates to Stevenson’s 321 and Russell’s 280 (with most of Stevenson’s newfound support coming from Arkansas and some Southern delegates switching over). Party bosses figured Stevenson’s bid was now dead and tried to cobble together a dark horse candidate, but the newly invigorated Humphrey campaign continued appealing to Northern and Western Democrats. By the third ballot, Humphrey got 803.5 votes to Richard Russell’s 318 and Stevenson’s 270, with a late attempt by some party officials to get “Happy” Chandler the nomination as a compromise candidate soaking up most of the rest of the delegates. Despite coming in with a fundraising disadvantage and against a divided group of party insiders, Humphrey had managed to clinch the nomination by outmaneuvering Stevenson’s moderation and the South’s discontent.

the State Freedom Party

The fallout of this turn of events was immediately apparent, with the entire Deep South bolting from the convention amidst near brawls between delegates. Party officials were now projecting that, outside of the border states and Texas, the entire Solid South would likely vote for a Dixiecrat ticket. Shortly after the convention ended, the state parties of Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Virginia all voted to sever ties with the national Democratic Party and instead created the State Freedom Party. The Florida Democratic Party suffered a serious split even as loyalists were able to prevent severing ties, as several local branches left to join the newly made Florida State Freedom Party. The SFP also opened party branches in Texas, Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri, and Oklahoma, though with only varying levels of support from local Democratic apparatus.

As with its predecessor in 1948, the State Freedom Party was created largely as a vehicle to allow for a Southern presidential run, but unlike in 1948, dozens of Democrats in the South (outside of those running for federal office) adopted the branding and imagery of the SFP in addition to the state Democratic Party, mostly to boost turnout statewide. Governor Orval Faubus rejoined the Arkansas Democratic Party after it split with the national party and ran largely under the SFP’s banner. Federal incumbents and primary winners who had supported the Southern Manifesto offered token support to the SFP, though most were conscious of their committee assignments & seniority and didn’t heavily commit to the SFP. Internally, many Southerners saw the Democratic Party as having twice over betrayed the “loyal” South and there was a growing bed of grassroots support of forming some kind of regional party divorced from either the Republicans or Democrats, at the impromptu convention for the SFP there were several speeches endorsing such a position, though largely coming from state officials. The Southern Freedom Party backed a segregationist platform decrying the Republicans and Democrats for “totalitarian attempts to unconstitutionally centralize the country” while nominating Senators Harry F. Byrd and Herman Talmadge for President.

the 1960 Democratic National Convention, Continued

Following the South bolting from the convention, remaining Democrats began crafting one of the most liberal party platforms ever seen, with repealing Taft-Hartley, passing civil rights legislation protecting voting rights, passing legislation to adopt universal healthcare, and a plethora of similar liberal ideals giving Humphrey plenty to campaign on in the North. Humphrey for his part tried to mend fences with the Stevenson campaign, securing a strong endorsement from Stevenson, ever the party man. Of course, much of the platform was buried under chatter about the South’s walkout and the fallout such a situation could have. Humphrey seemed fine removing the segregationist vote from contention, as it was not an impossible task to sweep the Midwest and Northeast while carrying the border states and still walk out with a victory. While Truman had failed a similar feat in 1948, he also had to deal with northern progressives walking out and supporting Henry Wallace, something Humphrey was thankful not to have to repeat.

While the Republicans were still the heavy favorites due to 1958-1959 recession and foreign policy missteps, Humphrey did overwhelmingly lead with the labor and black vote (though polling suggests Republican attempts to appeal to civil rights has worked to a minor degree, many black voters still back the Democratic Party for their recent civil rights track record and economic interventionism, leading to ~2/3rds of black voters planning to back Humphrey) and believed he had a chance to prove naysayers wrong in a comeback. Other Democrats did not share such optimism, remembering Truman’s defeat despite his constant mantra of victory being around the corner, but all corners of the Democrats outside of the South still came out strongly in favor of Humphrey. The Humphrey campaign doubled down on its civil rights platform by bringing on Senator Stuart Symington as Humphrey’s running mate, making the 1960 presidential election the most Senate-heavy one in memory, with all but Gerald Ford being incumbent Senators. With the stage set, Humphrey began his acceptance speech, a crowning moment for the little known pharmacist from South Dakota.

Early-Mid 1960 - United States of America

Since announcing his candidacy in January, Richard Nixon has consistently led every poll of Republican voters. To pollsters, his opponents seemed doomed, with the Senate Majority Leader having a steady ~70% of the Republican electorate supporting him with around an even split going for Rockefeller and Goldwater. Though he had failed to convince either to drop out, his consistent support of the Republican Party and years of effort had captured the endorsement of much the Party and convinced most Republicans that 1956 was a fluke. Everyone from Alf Landon to President Dewey himself had either outright endorsed Nixon or were working to ensure he had a smooth ride to the nomination. While this did little to dissuade Goldwater, who was running to both boost his own national profile and reinvigorate the Republican Party’s right-wing, it did much pain to Rockefeller. Since announcing his campaign, he had styled himself as a liberal Republican who would go further than Dewey while attacking Eisenhower for not doing enough to support the nation’s vulnerable. While useful in some areas (and certainly not as bad as it was for Rockefeller in real life), it simply could not match the influence of Nixon nor shake the perception of Rockefeller as too liberal to unite the Republican Party.

As March rolled around and the few actual primaries of the Republican Party began, things did not improve for Rockefeller. Whatever popularity he might enjoy with the liberal intellectuals in the East Coast Establishment, the rank and file Republicans nationwide saw him as simply a worse alternative to Nixon, one that would make the conservatives stay at home in November while trying to out-promise New Deal Democrats on domestic policy. With Nixon they found a true party man who was an internationalist with moderate credentials, but with connections and friendships to keep the conservative wing in order. Seeing the writing on the wall after being handed a couple major defeats, Rockefeller bowed out of the race and instead started courting party insiders in order to gain influence at the convention. Nixon even reached out via intermediaries to discuss the possibility of Rockefeller getting on the ticket, but a man as ambitious as Rockefeller would not play second fiddle to the likes of Nixon. He would support Nixon when he became the nominee, but was more concerned about lining himself up for his next chance at the presidency.

With the only real threat from his left defeated, Nixon now had the task of taking down a serious threat from the right. While Goldwater had virtually no chance of getting the nomination, both he and Nixon knew he could throw a spanner into the works at the convention. Nixon himself had no love lost for Goldwater, his ideas would see the Republican Party doomed to obscurity for all time in a country that has clearly shifted its opinion towards a more moderate path. Still, the man whose name is on The Conscience of a Conservative and has spent the better part of a year rebuilding the grassroots conservative movement was not someone to simply be forgotten. Meeting with Goldwater privately with a few other party insiders before the convention, Nixon managed to convince Goldwater to drop out and endorse him to make the presidential nomination unanimous at the convention. This concession would cost Nixon, however, with Goldwater getting a prime speaking time at the convention and token concessions on some parts of the platform. This suited Goldwater nicely, as he would be able to boost his national platform and tout to the right-wing of the Republicans that he had moderated the overall platform, while for Nixon it ensured a much smoother convention.

the 1960 Republican National Convention

As Nixon rode to overwhelming victories in the primary and came into the convention the pre-selected choice of both the rank-and-file Republicans as well as senior party insiders, much of the speculation about the Republicans would be how they try to court members of the New Deal Coalition without losing the conservative vote and who Nixon would choose as his vice president. The first was quickly answered when the Republican platform adopted measures calling for a national health insurance system, comprehensive expansion of rural development measures, federal funding for education, overhauls of national defense, and the strongest civil rights plank in the Republican Party’s history. These measures are all differentiated from the Democratic Party’s proposals by both their scale and focus, with Republican messaging focusing on enhancing people’s choice and building communities, while disparaging their opponents for wanting to rule from Washington.

However, above all else the two strongest messages the Republicans are sending to voters are their ideas on civil rights and national defense. Decrying a “missile gap” with the Soviets evidenced by their victories in the Space Race, Nixon and the Republican Party promised a strong stance against communism, an end to the Middle Eastern oil embargo, and a rapid expansion of the US military and nuclear deterrence. With Nixon’s existing foreign policy experience in the Senate Foreign Affair Committee and the ongoing blunders by the Eisenhower Administration, this made for a strong rebuke of the status quo and proved most popular with voters. Domestically, while giving some respect to the proposed changes to welfare (which Nixon himself thought was a waste of time, as the Democrats could always out-promise Republicans on government handouts and programs), Nixon adopted a hardline outlook on civil rights. Touting the Civil Rights Act of 1960, freshly passed and having been associated with him by the press [M] without the Vice Presidency and the expense scandal having been avoided due to Democrats not wanting to expose their own practices, Nixon has maintained a much more cordial relationship with the press [/M], Nixon promised that under a Republican Administration that poll taxes would be made illegal, the strongest civil rights in history would be passed, and that the injustices done to the black community in the Deep South would be rectified.

While the missile gap and defense planks were par for the course, Nixon and his managers had worked with delegates to hammer out the most progressive civil rights policy plank in American history, with hopes that a very strong showing here would outmaneuver Northern Democrats and either force them to confront their Southern compatriots or lose part of the black vote to the Republicans. While Dewey had peeled some of the New Deal black vote away from Harriman, Nixon was making a gamble that he could really dent the shift of black voters to the Democratic Party or at least cause a further fracture of Democratic unity. With the utter destructiveness of Eisenhower’s own push for civil rights and the walkout of Southern Democrats at the Democratic National Convention, this could be the push needed to see Republicans win across the North.

As for the second question, who Nixon would pick, he was mindful of both the national atmosphere and the need for party unity. Rockefeller would never kow-tow to Nixon and play second fiddle (even if Nixon had wanted him, which he did not), while an out and out conservative like Goldwater would be a step too far. Still, as Nixon was now firmly planted on the liberal end of the Republican Party in the eyes of conservative insiders, a candidate from outside the Northeast and who could be acceptable to both wings of the Republican Party was needed. Nixon also needed an internationalist and someone who could assist him in getting Congress to pass his planned legislative agenda. This already eliminated many of the big names who were being floated around in the press, as well as Nixon’s own personal choice of Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. Instead, Nixon convened a council of 38 Republicans to assist him in choosing a candidate broadly acceptable to the Republican Party and Nixon himself. Unlike in 1956, when Nixon was hard pressed to find anyone willing to sign on to the ticket, this election season has many figures coming out of the woodworks to canvas and attempt to influence party figures of their viability, giving this committee’s men extra power. After Nixon issued a de facto veto of any figures the public or conservatives would perceive as close members of the “Northeast establishment,” discussions quickly closed in on choosing someone from the Midwest to help carry the region this election.

After five hours of discussion between themselves and Nixon, they selected one of their own, Representative Gerald R. Ford of Michigan, to complement Nixon. Heavily supported by Michigan’s delegation and pushed for more generally by the Midwest (initially, some had wanted to nominate Everett Dirksen of Illinois, but his Senate seat was seen as vulnerable should he leave to serve as Vice President), Ford had been mentioned several times in discussions about future Republican leadership in the House and had made a name for himself as a negotiator and moderate among party colleagues. While generally considered to hail more from the moderate, Dewey-supporting side, he had not made enemies of anyone from the conservative wing nor was overly associated with liberal Republicans. Some concern was expressed about his name recognition and lack of experience, but to mention that to Nixon, who himself had been in politics only two years longer than Ford, was seen as foolhardy. After some discussion on the convention floor, no one had any strong feelings against Ford, though some conservatives were noted as unenthusiastic that their primary performance didn’t get a more thoroughly conservative candidate. Such discussion was ignored in favor of a moderate national outlook, but Ford’s floor manager did advise him to play up elements of fiscal conservatism in his acceptance speech.

With all major opposition dealt with, the platform adjusted to maximize popularity, and a non-controversial vice presidential nominee, Nixon finally felt good about his chances in November. Unlike in 1956, when the crooks and Communists had threatened to end his career and he was almost written off in the wake of Eisenhower’s success, he now had an upper hand. In 1956, he had tried to thread the needle on the boiling issue of civil rights, didn’t connect with voters how he wanted, and didn’t pay nearly enough attention to the media, all of which cost him dearly against the titan of the Eisenhower campaign. Not in 1960. He would expose the cracks in the Democrat’s coalition, decisively come out in favor of civil rights to rub salt in the wound of the Democratic split, and campaign heavily on the ever more apparent failings of the Eisenhower Administration’s foreign and defense failures. Never again would he suffer the sting of defeat like in 1956, he would make sure of that. As he looked into the adoring crowd of Republicans before he started his acceptance he knew one thing for certain. Everything’s coming up Milhouse.

[M] Massive credit to the book 1960: LBJ Vs. JFK Vs. Nixon : the Epic Campaign that Forged Three Presidencies by David Pietrusza for giving me a treasure trove of information on the 1960 Republican National Convention and giving me plenty of pointers on how the Republicans of the 1950s were operating! Also, I’ll be writing a (hopefully) short summary of the Democratic Primary next. [/M]

After the second-longest season in recent memory, the mod team has decided to end Season XVIII. ColdWarPowers is now on development break, and there is currently no set plan for when development of Season XIX will resume, and when Season XIX will begin.

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In 1961, King Muhammad V, who had ruled as sultan since 1927, and king since 1950, died during a minor surgery. He had led the nation to independence and beyond. The streets were filled with mourners and foreign dignitaries, and his funeral remains a touchpoint in Moroccan cultural memory to this day.

At the age of just 31, his firstborn son, Hassan, was crowned Hassan II, King of Morocco, Commander of the Faithful. He immediately ordered new general elections, both in Morocco proper, and in the Trust Territory of the Former Spanish Sahara. The elections in Morocco ousted the left-wing coalition that had governed since 1959 and installed a right-wing, pro-Darija coalition of the Nahda and Istiqlal parties. This suited Hassan II, who, in his twelve-year reign, favored America, Europe, and the west over pan-Arabism and the Soviet Union.

The elections in the Trust Territory of the Former Spanish Sahara returned another pro-Moroccan Djema’a, albeit under dubious circumstances. In 1962, this would be confirmed with a referendum that endorsed annexation by Morocco. The UN Trust Territory Council rubber-stamped immediate Moroccan annexation. In truth, the true results of the referendum are disputed. Sahrawi nationalists alleged large-scale voter intimidation, if not all-out vote rigging. Whatever the true results were, few allege that the genuine Sahrawi population, as opposed to Moroccan settlers (termed “returnees” by the Moroccan government) actually voted for annexation. In response, Sahrawi nationalists launched the “Sahrawi Intifada” in 1962, backed by the nascent state of Algeria, which despised Morocco for its colonial annexation of Tindouf, and coveted its return. After two months of brutal street fighting, Sahrawi rebels were pushed out of the towns of the Saharan coast, and retreated to an increasingly desperate guerrilla struggle in the desert, which would persist for ten years without success. Moroccan troops used extreme tactics against them, including the forced settlement of tribes.

Government repression under Hassan II was not limited to the Sahara. The Royal Guard of Morocco established the “Musta’arif” in 1963, a computerized secret service that tracked politicians, labor unionists, journalists, intellectuals, military officers, and dissidents in a vast database held in a secure facility in Meknes. A New York Times report of this operation reportedly inspired a young novelist in California named Philip Kindred Dick.

If there is one thing Hassan II was known for, however, it was his bizarre and relentless pursuit of a policy known as “Darijization.” Inspired by the linguistic polices of Ataturk, Darijization declared colloquial Moroccan Arabic, Darija, to be a separate language, and the sole national language of Morocco. Businesses, schools, and the army were forcibly “Darijized,” which is to say brought under the auspices of the new language and its latin alphabet. Never popular, public support for Darijization collapsed over its ten year reign, with widespread public apathy turning to hostility and anger, which in turn was suppressed all the more ruthlessly by Hassan II and his Musta’arif.

This culminated on June 19th, 1972, when pan-Arabist elements of the Air Force (one of the least Darijized branches of the military) launched a daring coup against Hassan II. Mohamed Amekrane, an Air Force officer, was proclaimed President of the Arab Republic of Morocco. Hassan II was flying from Dakhla back to Meknes during the coup, when his airplane was shot at by rebel fighter jets. Remarkably, Hassan II grabbed the radio and convinced the pilots of the rebel jets that the king was dead and the plane should be allowed to land. Upon his emergency landing in Marrakech, and the revelation that the king was still alive, support for the coup collapsed, and the Royal Guard executed rebel officers.

But the Royal Guard was privately sympathetic to certain criticisms of Hassan II. When Hassan II returned to Meknes on June 26th, 1972, he was privately informed that if he did not want to be executed, he should abdicate. Reluctantly (reportedly at the barrel of a gun and in the presence of the American ambassador, for whom the Darijization project had gone from a quirky local project to a threat to the stability of America’s chief ally in North Africa), Hassan II abdicated and retired to exile in France. At the age of ten, his son, Muhammad VI, was crowned king, under the regency of Hassan II’s younger brother, Moulay Abdallah. The regency council immediately announced the end to Darijization, and the restoration of Arabic as the sole official language, with recognized minority languages for the Amazigh, as well as some political liberalization, which allowed the free election of a conservative and semi-Islamist government under former cabinet minister and general, Mohamed Oufkir.

Hassan II occupies a split memory in Moroccan public consciousness. On the one hand, his formal annexation of the Western Sahara, and his defeat of Sahrawi and Algerian forces is widely celebrated as the final step towards the creation of the promised “Greater Morocco.” He also inaugurated close relations with Mauritania, which during his rule operated almost as a vassal of Morocco, and many of Morocco’s former enemies in the Mediterranean, such as Portugal, which welcomed Morocco into the European Free Trade Agreement (EFTA), in which Morocco remains to this day (despite three failed bids for EU membership). Under Hassan II, Morocco’s economy boomed to upper-middle income status, thanks to generous American and European aid and easy access to European markets. On the other hand, few Moroccans can forget his brutal repression in pursuit of Darijization, a policy that still baffles most Moroccans. He is neither publicly celebrated, nor condemned. When he died in 1999, there was no public mourning or funeral, but a private state affair attended only by his relatives.

Despite its eccentricity, Darijization enjoys a strange half-life in Moroccan politics. After more than ten years in which even mentioning Darijization was taboo, in 1985 a small pro-Darija party, Hizb Tshari (The Regionalist Party) won representation in parliament, though it was shunned by other parties. In 2000, parliament was deadlocked between rival Islamist-Nationalist and Liberal-Socialist camps. Abderrahmane Youssoufi, who led a coalition of the secular center and the left, controversially turned to Hizb Tshari to supply him with a crucial majority in exchange for establishing the “Institute for Darija Studies.” Despite sustained criticism, the Institute for Darija Studies has survived and thrived, publishing a comprehensive Darija dictionary, several Darija grammars, and numerous apologetics for Darijization. As memories of the repression of Hassan II fade, and alienation from the Arab world during regular flare-ups with Algeria grows, a signifiant minority, especially prominent in younger Moroccans, favor a limited return to Darijzation, including its recognition as a co-equal national language. Only time will tell if they will be successful.

Some historians argue that the Estado Novo ended with the election of Humberto Delgado in 1959 as President. This is, however, false. Delgado continued to work with Caetano in all 10 years of him being President, and reportedly even sought counsel from Salazar. Him never arresting Salazar or any other agents of the Estado Novo is itself telling, but his furtherance of the colonialist policies (albeit with a liberal-reformist bent) of the Estado Novo proved that he was only ever a nominal opponent of that regime.

Whilst Delgado did manage to prevent large-scale colonial war from breaking out, and Portugal never lost colonies apart from its say-so, the social order in Portugal (and its colonies) remained fundamentally unchanged until the Revolution. When Delgado declined to run for a third term in 1973, all hell broke loose. What was expected to be a peaceful transition to power ended in a brutal civil war.

Ultimately, the Maoists won, and Portugal's neocolonial enterprise was scattered on the wind, and all of its former neo-colonies plunged themselves into a civil war. Portugal became a light of China and the People's Great Savior in Europe as the green on her flag was subsumed by red. A great cultural revolution swept the entire nation, even spreading to some of her former colonies like Angola and Mozambique. Now, both the East and West were Red. NATO was, by this point, deprived of a founding member and Portugal became an outcast in Western Europe.

As the Soviet Union fell apart, the People's Republic of Portugal remained resolute in its support for the People's Republic of China, and continued to subsist off of foreign aid from it. But Portugal would remain Europe's Hermit Kingdom.

I'm back losers!! I finally have some free time and I'm excited to get back into CWP! Bulgaria is going to navigate the aftermath of the Yugoslav crisis and my ultimate goal will be to explore cybernetics and maybe some sort of uniquely Bulgarian communism under the aegis of the Soviet Union.

I also have several posts planned about the Pomaks and minority policies inspired by the stuff going on in the USSR

And I will invade Greece.

1st November 1959

Berlin, Germany

Following extensive investigation by German security forces, the government has today announced that the KPD has been outlawed in Germany and many of its leaders arrested as a result of collusion with an outside government.

During the dawn raids to arrest the leadership 5 people where killed across Berlin however the Chancellor has hailed the arrests as a success and "the first step towards restoration of true democracy in Germany".

No further statements have been made at this time.

Buenos Aires, Novemeber 3rd 1959

LAS MALVINAS SON ARGENTINA!

Screamed a protester in front of the national congress or rather a banner of support he carried with him. The rebirth of Argentine nationalism that initially came with Peron before his disgrace had not left and many wished assurances of the nationalist pretenstions which came with it.

With the recent British occupation of the Suez, many more left-wing leaders within Argentine politics had likewise adopted the position with the British seemingly distracted and intending to hold their terriories by force or even still expand them the beast had to be put down.

Then there was Frondizi watching this madness march forward which would place his own ambitions at risk. For once there would be no leaving his offices besides watching the results of the Congress's resolution come up.

A vote pushed forward by nationalists across bipartisan lines, an issue Frondizi could not accept nor could he challenge the gutteral roar of nationalism which had enflamed the nation. The Islands are Argentine.

As he listened to the radio powerless and the speeches of with some random individuals: Developmentalists, Peaceniks, disinterested nationalists etc. God knows where they got a Argentinan with a pro-British position for that peace. He couldn't stop it and the threat of a assertive Britain was definetly against Argentine interests.

Frondizi had to preempt it, the Argentine republic would file an appeal to the ICJ on the matter of the territory of the Falklands.

There was at least an upside Argentina has acted respectfully unlike the UK aligned with the goals of the international community and the decline of the wool trade had affected the Islands negatively alongside the declining British empire meanwhile Argentina's economy had seemingly begun roaring to life which if it came to a referendum could secure Argentine sovereignty of the archipelago.

(OOC) IF the mods want to rp it can it be NPC'D as I do not want to sit through a multiple day trial (/OOC)

The Republic of Costa Rica is a nation with great agricultural, and perhaps industrial potential, however it suffers from a lack of connectivity. Without adequate road, rail and shipping links, Costa Rican products cannot hope to compete on the global market, let alone serve the broader population. This needs to change, and President Mario Echandi Jiménez has a plan to do just that.

The Plan Nacional de Conectividad

The Plan Nacional de Conectividad envisions the Costa Rica of 1970 as a modern, interconnected and prosperous nation. This vision, however, will not be achieved through wishes and good ideas alone. It will require blood, sweat, money and labor drawn from across Costa Rican society in order to manifest successfully. While much money will be spent on roads, given their flexible nature, significant investment will also be made in railway lines for industrial applications.

The first of these lines will connect the Atlantic side-city of Guacimo through to the capital, San Jose, via the path cut through the mountains by the Chirripó River. This line, featuring two parallel tracks, will connect the Atlantic and Pacific lines allowing cargo to be transhippied from the Caribbean Coasta to the Pacific. While not initially electrified, space will be left to facilitate future upgrades, should the money become available. In total, the track is estimated to cost around $3.6mn USD dollars to construct, with work to be completed by 1965.

The second will connect and upgrade the two southern railroads, originally built for Banana transportation, to enable other kinds of cargo services. While the actual new line being constructed is minimal, around 20 kilometers, upgrades to the remainder will cost almost as much as a new line. In total the dual tracked line will cost $3 million USD, with work to be completed in 1963.

In terms of roads, four main highways will be built, crisscrossing the country and meeting in San Jose. This process shall take time, however, and is more of a vision than a concrete plan. In the short-to-medium term, $15 million will be allocated towards upgrading various primary and secondary roads, mainly through the addition of asphalt to major ones, and grating to minor ones.

The plan also calls for the consolidation of the major ports on both coasts to enable greater efficiency and economies of scale when importing and exporting products. This process shall be a gradual one, with money invested in upgrading the Ports of Limón and Caldera on the Pacific and Caribbean coasts respectively. This work will focus on improving connectivity within the ports, increasing the number of modern vehicles operated,and expanding facilities specifically designed to handle containerised, rather than loose, cargo. More than $5 million will be invested in each port with initial work to be completed in 1966.

1 OCTOBER 1959

This presidential election has, to put it mildly, been a crisis of sorts for the Estado Novo.

In the first place, it will be an actual election. There appears to be a legitimate possibility that Salazar will lose, as he seems to be unpopular amongst not only the youth but also pretty much every segment of society which is not ardent hardliners. His opponent, Humberto Delgado, has managed to marshal an impressive coalition of reformists, moderates, communists, liberals and military men. Salazar, on the other hand, has suffered from what some call a lack of charisma. His seeming inability (or perhaps unwillingness) to connect with the population on any significant level does him no favors in this regard.

It seems entirely possible also that Mr. Caetano has struck some sort of agreement with Delgado, as Mr. Delgado has pointed all of his criticism at Salazar, even though Salazar is technically out of office right now. Mr. Delgado also claims to have the support of the armed forces moreso than Salazar, which could very well be true. After all, memory of the Nuno Affair is still fresh in the high command's minds. Some are claiming that Caetano went as far as to promise that the PIDE and the Internal Ministry will not interfere in the election, much like the previous Presidential elections. Caetano denies this and promises that all elections can be expected to be conducted no differently than they have in the past.

Meanwhile, the Portuguese Communist Party (Suslovist) has withdrawn from the ballot in tacit support of Mr. Delgado. General Secretary Ruy Gomes announced that a popular front must be built against fascism, even if not all non-fascists are willing to work together formally.

The mainline (read: Maoist) Portuguese Communist Party remains resolute in its advocacy for armed struggle and in its opposition to participation in "bourgeois politics".

With just a few weeks until election day, it remains to be seen whether the New State is in any actual danger of collapse.

Sometime in 1958 during the civil war

Sukarno, the man who controls Indonesia alone could be seen cracking, he had given the PKI control over certain ministries for example the ministry of the economy, however The glorious and brilliant chairmen of the communist party Dipa N Aidit could tell this was just a temporary measure of Sukarno who would likely oust the communist the minute he re-consolidated rule. Sukarno was pragmatic like that, it's what made him a good leader and a difficult man to get rid of. However, at this time Sumatra, Sulawesi and even Java itself was undergoing rebellion and this would be a perfect time to strike the PKI was the party of the people with it being the largest party in all if Indonesia. Although it would not go into this alone

Dipa N Aidit would secretly organize meetings with leaders from the two small Murba and Acoma parties, two national communist parties which whilst split off form the PKI were still fellow left-wing revolutionaries who could be instrumental in this national struggle, While not all members of the PKI would want a violent struggle the smaller and more extreme Murba and Acoma parties were perfect to help fill those numbers, this needs to be a struggle with leftwing unity not just the PKI seeking out a power grab. And with that PSI leaders in Java would be sought out and talked with, many of them understand that Sukarno has purposefully pushed them out of government even though they are one of the larger parties in Indonesia. And this has likely made many of them dissatisfied with the regime. And so a with that a Secret United Front would be made between the PKI-PSI-Acoma-Murba parties with the PKI as the primary party the PSI as the secondary and the Acoma and Murba as two attached members. Leaders in the party were promised ministry positions once leftist rule can be established and true free and fair elections held.

Now as for the military, the policies of Sukarno with the rapid expansion of the airforce, army, and navy as well as the training by Soviets and assistance by the PRC has not only caused a bloated and gigantic army, this has also caused a situation where many of the senior officers in the army may be from the time of the Japanese but many of the new soldiers have communist sympathies and the airforce is even more communist with all the pilots having been trained by soviet flight instructors to utilize MIGs. Should it come to it we will likely see a situation where the vast majority of young soldiers side the communists. However we cannot expect that to be enough, this needs to be a revolution lead by the people for the people and whilst the Military we have turn for us may be the core of our new army we will need to see to it that a proper revolution upon rising up is given support by the common people and will have to be supported by large people’s militias. Efforts will be put in to begin gathering the basis of these peoples militias and stockpiling excess rifles in warehouses along Java, Sumatra, borneo, Various islands and Sulawesi.

In late 1958, the elections of the Bet Haam would take place. Unlike previously, Israel was currently at war during these elections, but because of the overwhelming victories, the war had not really effected the active daily life of most of the citizens. Many of the men and some of the women were not at home though, however, the IDF made sure to collect the vote of the soldiers who were on the frontline.

The 120 seats would need to be elected, which means a new Prime Minister could potentially be selected. However, despite the controversy of Ben-Gurion's Hula Valley War, Sharett's actions as Prime Minister has seen significant economic growth, and a largely successful war that could end with great success for Israel. From this, it was expected that the UWF would have a resounding victory, especially with the re-alignment of the IPRP, which saw the split of the Communist Party of Israel, and several of the members joining with the UWF.

Bet Haam Elections, 1958

As predicted, the UWF is able to securely take the Bet Haam, with 62.5% of the total seats under the coalition's control. The ZLF took thee second highest coalition votes, while LUC received the third most number of votes.

Hesnat Hafderli Elections, 1958

In the Hesnat Hafderli, there is almost half the number of seats with only 54. With there being 2 representatives from each of the 27 districts resulted in strong battles in each district for these seats. However, the UWF was able to achieve 36 seats split across several districts with some of the districts being a UWF sweep. 18 seats went to the opposition, but with 66.66% of the seats in favor of UWF they would have full control of the Knesset.

After discussion among the UWF there were several questions regarding if Sharett would retain Prime Minister or would Ben-Gurion who despite having retired, remained fairly active in the political landscape. It was then decided that Sharett would retain Prime Minister and form the 2nd Sharett Cabinet, and the 6th Cabinet of Israel.

2nd Sharett Cabinet, 6th Cabinet of Israel

President of Israel, 1959

Finally, a new President of Israel was elected to a 5-year term. Yitzhak Ben-Zvi became the 2nd President of Israel after replacing Yosef Sprinzak who had served from 1954-1959. Unfortunately, Sprinzak died in January of 1959, preventing him from running for his second term. Ben-Zvi would take office beginning his term as President of Israel.

Gentlemen, I have returned.

Anyhow yeah I'm basically just back to handle military stuff, mainly Algeria and the occasional warcrime for export. I'll be around so ping me.

Anyhow, I need to fill out the next hundred words for the bot to not neutralize me... so here is de Gaulle's speech on Algeria, Oct. 1958.

Last Sunday, three and a half million men and women of Algeria, without distinction of community, in complete equality, gave France and myself their vote of confidence. They did this quite simply without any constraint and in spite of the threats that certain fanatics brought to bear against them, their families and their property. This is a fact, as clear as the bright light of clay. And this fact is fundamental not only because it mutually and forever pledges, one to the other, Algeria and France, but also because it ties in with what happened that same day in Metropolitan France, in the Overseas Departments, in the Territories of the Community.

The least that can be said of this great demonstration is that the French people proved to themselves and to the entire world their determination for renovation, and that, at the same time, a hundred million men decided to build their future together in Liberty, Equality and Fraternity.

With regard to Algeria, what is the future to which France is calling her? Women and men of Algeria, I have come here to tell you what it is.

What must be achieved is the basic transformation of this country, so brave, so alive, but also so full of difficulties and suffering. This means that it is necessary for the living conditions of each man and woman to improve from day to day. This means that, for the benefit of the inhabitants, the resources of the earth and the ability of the elites must be brought to light and developed. This means that children must be taught. This means that all Algeria must have her share in what modern civilization can and must bring to men in terms of well-being and dignity.

But the loftiest plans call for practical measures. Here are the measures that my Government intends to take in the near future covering the next five years by virtue of the full powers that the new Constitution has just conferred upon it.

During these five years, of the young people in Metropolitan France - yes, I say in Metropolitan France-that enter the service of the State, in the Administration, in the Army, in education and in the public services, at least a tenth of these young people must be recruited from the Arab, the Kabyle and Mozabite communities, and that without prejudice to an increased proportion of Algerians serving in Algeria.

In the course of these five years, salaries and wages in Algeria will be raised to a level comparable to what they are in Metropolitan France.

Before the end of these five years, 250,000 hectares [617,500 acres] of new land will be allotted to Moslem farmers.

Before the end of these five years, the first phase of the plan for the agricultural and industrial development of Algeria will be brought to its conclusion. This phase includes, in particular, the delivery and the distribution of the oil and gas of the Sahara, the setting up, on this soil, of great metallurgical and chemical complexes, the construction of housing for a million people, the corresponding development of health services, of roads, ports, means of communication-in short, the regular employment of 400,000 new workers.

Gradually in the course of these five years, two-thirds of the girls and boys will be enrolled in school and, during the three years after that, complete school enrollment of all Algerian youth will be achieved.

During these five years, the human contact that has been made especially by the French Army-by its career officers, its reserve officers, its fighting men, its young conscripts-will be continued and developed and, in Metropolitan France, the same must be true, in Paris and n our provinces.

What will be the political Consequences of this evolution which calls for very extensive and prolonged efforts? I believe it is quite useless to freeze in advance, in words, that which, in any event, is going to take shape, little by little, as it is undertaken. But, in any case, two things arc certain as of now: the first concerns the present.

In two months, Algeria will elect her representatives under the same conditions as will Metropolitan France. But at least two thirds of her representatives will have to be Moslem citizens.

The other refers to the future. The future of Algeria will in any event - because that is the nature of things-be built on a double foundation: her personality and her close solidarity with Metropolitan France.

In any case, it is absolutely essential that this fruitful transformation be accomplished. This is necessary for the good of the men of Algeria, for the good of the women, for the good of the children who live here; but it is also necessary for the honor of mankind. It is necessary for the peace of the world. For no one has any interest in the stagnation of a people, except the kind of people, who, to serve their ambitions, gamble on the spirit of revolt and the poverty of others.

This transformation, this immense political, economic, social and cultural task-who could effect this transformation, if not France?

Now it happens that France has the will and the means to do so. It also happens that the vote of the Algerians has just proved that they desire this transformation and that it should be carried out with France.

Therefore, turning toward those who are prolonging a fratricidal conflict, who are organizing lamentable attacks in Metropolitan France, or who are spreading through the chancelleries, through underground dens, by means of the radios and the newspapers of certain foreign capitals-vilifications of France, to those I say: Why kill? We must enable people to live. Why destroy? Our duty is to build. Why hate? We must cooperate.

Stop this absurd fighting and you will at once see a new blossoming of hope over all the land of Algeria. You will see the prisons emptying; you will see the opening up of a future big enough for everybody, and for you yourselves in particular. And then, speaking to those States which are throwing oil on the fire here while their unhappy peoples writhe under dictatorships, I say: Could you do what France is in a position to do here, what only France is capable of doing? Could you people do it? No. Then let France carry on, unless you deliberately decide to envenom the conflict in order to distract attention from your own difficulties. But in the present state of the world, where can these bitter incitements lead if not to a universal cataclysm? Only two paths lie open to the human race today: war or brotherhood. In Algeria as everywhere, France, for her part, has chosen brotherhood.

#Long live the Republic! Long live Algeria and long live France!

"Of course it wouldn't be this easy. Democracy's restoration would have allowed them to return and we waited too long. It was all neccessary.", all of these thoughts rocked Frondizi's head as he opened a newspaper and found that calls for impeachment had entered the National Congress.

Calls of Frondizi being a socialist, irony in those calling him a plutocrat, the worst was one calling him the second coming of Peron.

Meanwhile in congress according to the paper several members of his own party had rallied against him, likely bribed and by no means a signifigant portion. Their seats will likely be made void by this effort. The Paper Machievlli would set out to work ever more revitalized, as what could these oligarchs hope to do?

The army was defanged and hell more likely to side with him over them. The Neo-Peronists backed him and assumedly so did the people. Meanwhile these oligarchs were still weak despite their renewed strength compared to prior and many of these reforms had already been carried out in the USA with only more cushioning done by Frondizi. Their arguments would dissolve in mere days with only the corrupt exposed, at least Frondizi hoped.

Frondizi would not go, only the oligarchs and the "unproductive" members of the assembly.

The 1954 Plan was a resounding success, part of that success being due to Molotov’s proposal to begin a transition of collective farms (kolkhoz) into state farms (sovkhoz), proletarianizing the peasantry, following the path of Stalin. With Molotov now Chairman of the Council of Ministers, he has a much clearer directive to work on agricultural policy. The eventual goal of the CPSU in the field of agricultural is the eventual abolition of all collective agriculture and the abolition of the peasantry as a class. To ensure the survival of the dictatorship of the proletariat, the proletariat must be strengthened.

Transformation of kolkhoz into sovkhoz brings many benefits, such as actual stable wages, pensions, and other other social benefits of proletarian employment. Smaller and less economically viable kolkhoz will also be abolished, combined, and transformed into sovkhoz. These larger state farms will allow the Soviet government to better plan its agricultural produce, specifically when it comes to specialized farms that require more know-how than general crop farming. Due to the sheer massive size of Soviet heavy industries, the utilization of sovkhoz will make it easier to ensure that state farms are more properly equipped, something which was a challenge under collectivized farming. As previously stated, farms deemed ineffective will be shut down, with their labor redistributed and their equipment and tractors provided to more proven sovkhoz.

Hey so Canada is a little boring and I’m struggling of ideas, I saw Indonesia is in a civil war and I’d like to have a chance to fight in a civil war. I saw that the previous player allied with the communists? Which is okay I had some other ideas though and would like to be incharge of Indonesia as I navigate it through this crisis. I was reading the Posts from the precious player and saw I’ve got a large military and talk with the Soviets and Chinese sometimes also so maybe they’ll help me.

October 15th, 1959 - Washington, D.C., United States of America

While many are fretting over who will be the next Republican nominee, the Republican National Committee and various Republican advocacy groups have started plotting a comeback in the federal legislature. Currently, the Republican Party is at a 22 seat disadvantage in the Senate and a 23 seat deficit in the House, both of which can be significantly improved upon for the Party. With the numbers in the House, it might even be possible for the Republicans to take back control of the House for the first time since 1948. For this to be possible, however, a solid strategy and plan on what seats to target and how to go about a national campaign must take place. While President Eisenhower and the Democrats continue to fumble the ball on Suez and languish without solutions domestically, the Republican Party can show itself off as a party that got domestic results and one that can recover the international situation the United States finds itself in.

National Campaign Focuses

For the starting parts of a national campaign, the Republican Party is targeting getting a fundraising advantage early on and keeping it, as well as working hard to get competitive candidates to announce for target seats. In this role, President Dewey, Senator Nixon, and a myriad of other GOP heavyweights have ramped up fundraising events in earnest, while the RNC is hitting the rolodex in a myriad of states to begin recruiting good men for the Class II Senate elections, House elections, and gubernatorial elections coming up. In addition to this fundraising effort, the RNC has bankrolled a partnership with the advertising firm Ted Bates, Incorporated to craft a full spectrum media campaign, from the television to the paper to the campaign poster. Several other companies, from Walt Disney to local advertising firms, have been tapped for future content creation and assistance for specific campaigns.

The RNC has also begun building up campaigning infrastructure across the country in target seats, with the following Senate seats being especially targeted:

With such a number of first term Senators up for reelection in competitive states, the Republican Party has a chance to slim down the Senate Democrats from 61 seats to 54 if it doesn’t lose a seat itself, a good start to flipping the Senate in the future. It will also make it much easier to pass legislation if a Republican takes the White House, especially since every seat targeted is inhabited by New Deal progressives. While good candidates will still need to be found, the RNC has already begun injecting cash into the state parties of each targeted seat to begin building up 1960’s campaign apparatus.

In terms of topics of discussion, the Republican Party will be targeting fears of Soviet nuclear superiority, lackluster economic growth, the Eisenhower Administration’s diplomatic blunders, and exploiting the Northern-Southern split in the Democratic Party. Already, Richard Nixon has begun talking about a “missile gap” between the United States and Soviet Union, pointing to the USSR’s fast-paced and rapidly expanding space program, as well as the recent confrontation in the Mediterranean.

For domestic issues, the Republican Party has started coordinating on blaming Democratic deficits and an over-reliance on the state to solve problems, comparing the Eisenhower Administration’s relatively unsuccessful efforts to the market-based approaches of Dewey. Defense spending is also a target, with the Republicans gathering comments from senior military officials about the President’s policies regarding defense spending. With Republican oversight, the space race can be won, America can ensure the Soviet Union’s advantages in missile development don’t spiral out of control, and the economy can be reinvigorated to bring prosperity to all.

On civil rights, the Republican Party has a two-pronged approach. Congressional Republicans and the Party overall agree with the push of civil rights and will most likely vote for any civil rights legislation, but the Party can still exploit divisions in the Democratic Party to hamper the Democrats in the border states and potentially make some Southern states competitive for the presidential election. With rumors that the Eisenhower Administration is looking to get another civil rights act passed in 1960, and with the Southern Democrats already chafing under the Civil Rights Act of 1957, a wedge can be had in the Democratic Party. While the Republicans can’t directly cause a split in the Party, it would seemingly be inevitable that the South would walk out of the convention if the Democrats passed two civil rights acts and nominated anyone but a Southerner as their nominee. What the Republicans can do, however, is run serious house campaigns in states like Virginia, Maryland, Missouri, and Kentucky, where House Democrats may be hampered by having to defend their record on civil rights to unreceptive audiences.

An Update on the Nixon Campaign

While Richard Nixon has yet to formally announce, he has started to prepare heavily for the campaign. In addition to gathering support from Republicans across the Party, the Senator has made use of the RNC’s partnership with Ted Bates, with the media group sending Rooster Reeves personally to counsel the Senate Majority Leader on improving his speech and public image. As Nixon is a man reviled by the DC press corps and a somewhat oddball speaker, much of 1959 has been spent improving his speech to produce good, brief sound bites for advertising, and refining it to work for a larger audience.

In addition, Nixon tried his best to clear the field of major candidates, to very mixed success. An attempt to stave off Barry Goldwater from running an insurgent conservative campaign fell flat, with the Senator seemingly dead-set on at least showing the conservative wing of the Party still has some life in it. Still, Goldwater didn’t seem opposed to Nixon as the nominee should he win. A talk with Governor Rockefeller went similarly, with the Governor seemingly convinced he can be an effective challenge to Nixon. As they’re both relatively moderate Republicans, such a campaign could prove damaging if Nixon is unable to make decisive wins in the actual primaries. Nixon’s conversation with Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. went much better in comparison, with the Secretary of State saying he stands with Senator Nixon and will work with Nixon in earnest to get the GOP back into the White House. An odd visit to Pennsylvania also yielded results, with Nixon convincing the Governor that his campaign ultimately hurt his chances of being re-elected as Governor of Pennsylvania. As such, Stassen quietly stopped campaigning and eventually terminated his campaign.

Thus, the stage was set for a showdown between Richard Nixon and Nelson Rockefeller, with Barry Goldwater as a third party who could potentially wreak havoc if unchecked. Nixon, of course, starts with a significant amount of political capital, fundraising, and campaign infrastructure, but Rocky’s popularity could see him overcome these obstacles. Nixon has also seemingly once again gained the favor of President Dewey once again, as the President has seen Nixon’s earnest campaigning in 1958 and his fundraising efforts for 1960 as proof that he’s a true party man, especially compared to a radical like Goldwater or the political acolyte that is Rockefeller. This support is mostly limited to the occasional appearance at a fundraiser or putting in a good word with Republican figures in the Eastern Establishment, thus dulling Rockefeller’s advantage with the liberal Republicans.

Top Military Generals and Former Prime Minister Arrested for Conspiracy!

August 2nd, 1959; Baghdad

The commander of the Mosul garrison and co-revolutionary in the 14th of July Revolution to overthrow the debauched monarchy, Abd al-Wahab al-Shawaf, has been arrested for conspiracy to overthrow the Sole Leader in the early morning hours of yesterday.

Al-Shawaf had a private rivalry with Prime Minister Abd al-Karim Qasim, the true leader of the 14th of July Revolution, and Abdul Salam Arif.

The coup plot however goes much deeper, as Qasim has also arrested the director of military intelligence, Rifkat al-Hajj al-Sirri, and former Prime Minister and leader of the 1941 Revolution, Rashid Ali al-Gaylani!

The involvement of al-Gaylani has been especially noted, as he lead the great revolution against the reviled British puppet monarchy. Abd al-Karim Qasim, in a radio address stating the arrest of the traitors around mid-afternoon, said that his government was making moves to take down monuments commissioned to him and revise Iraq's history textbooks to, "Show who he was: a traitor!"

Al-Shawaf and al-Sirri are to be brought before the newly created Mahdawi Court, which was specifically created to put to trial traitors in the military. Rashid Ali al-Gaylani is to be brought before a civil trial in Baghdad however.

Let it be known, any conspiracy against the lawful government of Abd al-Karim Qasim is debauched, deviant, and wrong! We stand with the sole government of Iraq, and the Sole Leader!

Long live the Iraqi Republic! Long live our great leader Qasim!

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

!SPECIAL MESSAGE FROM THE GOVERNMENT OF ABD AL-KARIM QASIM!<

!WITH THE ARREST OF THE TRAITORS YESTERDAY, IT HAS BEEN CONFIRMED THAT THEIR ARE IMPERIALIST DESIGNS UPON US.!<

!AS SUCH, A SHORT-TERM REORGANIZATION OF THE GOVERNMENT AND INTRODUCTION OF NEW POLICY IS REQUIRED, AND SHALL BE LISTED BELOW:!<

1. !REORGANIZATION OF THE MILITARY INTELLIGENCE BRANCH!<

   1. !THE MILITARY INTELLIGENCE OF THE IRAQI STATE IS TO BE COMPLETELY REORGANIZED WITH AL-SIRRI OUTED AS A TRAITOR.!<

   2. !A PROBE IS TO BE LAUNCHED INTO THE MILITARY INTELLIGENCE ARM BY THE DIRECTORATE OF GENERAL SECURITY INTO THE MILITARY INTELLIGENCE ARM.!<

   3. !TOP SECRET (ONLY KNOWN TO ABD-AL KARIM QASIM, DGS, AND TOP-LEVEL OFFICIALS):!<

      1. !THE DGS PROBE SHALL ALSO BEGIN A LOOK INTO THE GENERAL ARMED FORCES OF THE IRAQI MILITARY, AND ENSURE THEIR ARE NO FURHTER TRAITORS WITHIN OUR OWN RANKS.!<

2. !MORATORIUM ON IRAQI TROOP MOVEMENTS THROUGH BAGHDAD!<

   1. !NO IRAQI DIVISION IS TO EVER ENTER BAGHDAD OR GO WITHIN A 10 MILES OF ITS VICINITY.!<

   2. !IF AN IRAQI DIVISION DOES THIS, ITS COMMANDER AND THE UNITS PARTICIPATING IN IT ARE TO BE CONSIDERED TRAITORS.!<

   3. !THIS WILL OF COURSE BE LIFTED UNDER SPECIAL WRITTEN ORDERS BY THE PRIME MINISTER.!<

3. !EXPANSION OF THE DIRECTORATE OF GENERAL SECURITY!<

   1. !THE DIRECTORTE OF GENERAL SECURITY SHALL BE ISSUED SPECIAL FUNDING TO EXPAND ITS DOMESTIC INTELLIGENCE PROGRAM TO ENSURE THEIR ARE NO TRAITORS WITHIN OUR COUNTRY!!<

      1. !THIS STIPEND SHALL BE VALUED AT $1,500,000.!<

4. !SPECIAL COMMITTEE ON POLICE RE-ORGANIZATION AND REFORM (SPPROR)!<

   1. !A SPECIAL COMMITTEE SHALL BE FORMED UNDER THE MINISTRY OF THE INTERIOR TO INVESTIGATE POSSIBLE REFORMS AND EXPANSIONS OF THE NATION'S POLICE ARM.!<

   2. !SPECIAL EMPHASIS IS TO BE ADDED TO THE BAGHDAD REGION.!<

   3. !TOP SECRET (ONLY KNOWN TO ABD AL-KARIM QASIM, DGS, AND TOP-LEVEL OFFICIALS):!<

      1. !THE DGS SHALL COOPERATE WITH THIS COMMITTEE AND SHALL PARTNER UP WITH IT TO ISSUE SPECIAL ADVICE AND LAUNCH PROBES ON BEHALF OF THE SPECIAL COMMITTEE.!<

5. !SPECIAL COMMITTEE ON THE REVIEW OF THE EDUCATION OF IRAQI HISTORY (SPREIH)!<

   1. !A SPECIAL COMMITTEE SHALL BE FORMED UNDER THE MINISTRY OF EDUCATION TO REVIEW THE TEACHING OF IRAQI HISTORY IN SCHOOLS.!<

   2. !A SPECIFIC POINT OF THE SPREIH SHALL BE TO ISSUE NEW HISTORY TEXTBOOKS TO GIVE AN UPDATED VIEW ON IRAQI HISTORY.!<

   3. !TOP-SECRET MEMORANDUM FROM ABD AL-KARIM QASIM TO THE MINISTER OF EDUCATION:!<

      1. !"ENSURE THE COMMITTEE HAS A 'PROPER' VIEW OF THE GOVERNMENT AND THE REVOLUTION. GO BY ALL MEANS TO SHOW THE EVILS PERPETRATED BY THE OLD MONARCHY. BEGIN A COMPLETE REVISION OF THE LEGACY OF RASHID ALI AL-GAYLANI AND DEMONIZE 'VILLANOUS' IDEOLOGIES WITHIN IRAQ."!<

September 1959

Long ago back in the days before written text had graced humankind the greatest predator to ever exist wandered the jungles of Borneo, however, they had gone extinct according to science long before the white man came to these Jungles. This Predator was the Borneo Tiger. Worldwide the Tiger has seen her population decline and plummet more and more ranging from Siberia to India, and in the archipelago of southeast Asia only Sumatra barely clinging to life in Java being hunted and their land turned into far land, still has tigers of its own. However, the tiger is an important symbol of the Dayak people traditionally and thus stands as an important symbol of Borneo itself.

However not all hope is lost, in these jungles the people of Borneo claim that the tigers still roam, hidden away having figured out how to avoid people and protect themselves, and these jungles are ever so deep and ever so vast that these rumors may yet be true. However, should these tigers exist they are without a doubt few and far between and have dwindled to such a population it may not even be possible for them to continue past a few generations. And this is where The Confederation will step in.

The Call for Capture

Indonesia has no love for nature and as such in her rapid and uncontrolled expansion into the beautiful jungle, the source of all our beauty and wealth and the reason our glorious land prospers she is being destroyed. And along with that are her guardians. Thus The Sultan has put out a call that every Tiger in Java and Sumatra which is set to be killed, rather than be exterminated the sultanate of Brunei will pay double its price dead for it to be captured and delivered alive. As both Javan and Sumatran tigers are the closest living relatives to the Borneo tiger we wish to gather as many of them as we possibly can. This is simply and open call and will not close once a number is reached, however we will have biologists hired and zoologists hired from England to be able to confirm if a tiger is of Javan or Sumatran origin so that other tigers cannot be snuck into us and played off as the correct ones.

The Breed program

As well to begin with we will purchase an initial target of 15 Female Sumatran/Javan Tigers and 5 Male Sumatran/Javan Tigers, These will be the initial breeding stock of the “New Borneo Tiger” project

A 750 sanctuary will be built and made with each tiger given its own 3.5 Acre Main habitat, this is more than enough space (a single tiger irl is recommended to have at minimum 2.5 acres). Goals will be made to select the healthiest specimens among these for breeding however every female will be used for breeding.

On this facility a veterinarian hospital for the tigers will be built, a research lab for the tigers built, and 55 cages built for the time being, with each cage given a proper 4-meter wall around it and in that wall, each will have the tigers habitats surrounded by a moat to further prevent escape.

The goal is to begin being able to get captive breeding efforts up and running and cubs born as soon as possible. We wish to begin working on rebuilding populations of tigers in Borneo as soon as possible.

The side project…

However a side project also existed, and among these tigers was a plan a plan to utilize them for military, guard, and hunting use. Tigers were by all accounts the ultimate hunter, having amazing hunting skills, great at navigating the forest, and blending in as well as amazing scent skills, and rather than a dog they could absolutely defend themselves against an enemy combatant. So Once tigers would begin being born in the project a call has been put out for ⅓ of the new babies to be given to the tiger Domestication project, a project that would see the calmest tigers and the ones who seemed to enjoy human interaction the most used for a domestication, this may take several generations but could possibly have potential.

The Sultan’s Guard

However a side project also existed, and among these tigers was a plan a plan to utilize them for military, guard, and hunting use. Tigers were by all accounts the ultimate hunter, having amazing hunting skills, great at navigating the forest, and blending in as well as amazing scent skills, and rather than a dog they could absolutely defend themselves against an enemy combatant. So Once tigers began being born in the project a call was put out for ⅓ of the new babies to be given to the tiger Domestication project, a project that would see the calmest tigers and the ones who seemed to enjoy human interaction the most used for a domestication, this may take several generations but could possibly have potential.

February 10th, 1959

ORGANIZACION DE SEGURIDAD Y CONTRAINTELIGENCIA DOCUMENT BEGINNING ————

FRANCISCO FRANCO BAHAMONDE:

After a month with no leads, and a major discovery we found out at New Year’s Day that resulted in finding a new lead, we can say that we have found enough evidence that Francisco Franco is guilty of corruption. His arrest will be on [REDACTED]. With Franco's investigation over, we will divert our attention to the INI instead of the Movimiento Nacional, and will wait for all investigations to be done so the state can strike at the corrupt bureaucrats decisively and simultaneously.

On another note, we recommend choosing the OSCE for arresting the bureaucrats, and either limiting the Guardia Civil's power or dismantling them. We urge you, Alfonso XIV, to do this as they have possible connections to Franco and his ideology, and are an influential part of Spain's law enforcement agency. We cannot risk him escaping with the Guardia Civil's help, and cannot under any circumstance allow a coup to happen.

VIVA LA CORONA, LARGA VIDA AL REY, VIVA ESPANA!

———— ORGANIZACION DE SEGURIDAD Y CONTRAINTELIGENCIA DOCUMENT ENDING

Frondizi's developmentalism stood at last poised to bring about an Argentine National Revival, while milliions went about their day as if nothing had changed the signs had begun to appear. Parents would buy slightly more food or take the bus more often with some upticks in visits to zoos and the like. But greater stood yet which could ensure Argentina's rise as the titan of Latin America could no longer be blocked. The destruction of monopolies which would outside of state monopolies open the path forward to encourage greater innovation and competion driving prices down while opening more jobs. Clearing the way of the old guard, those believers in Peron as well as those still supportive of milk and coffee politics had to go this was the only way forward for Argentina regardless of their desire.

1. President Frondizi via nationwide television broadcast has announced the creation of the Argentine Fair Trade Commission which would be nominated by the presidency but appointed by parliament. The goal of the commision is to avoid the major dramatic anti-trust actions as carried out in the young USA and the redistribution of oligarchic wealth to new oligarchs as seen in the early republic. Instead the commitee would ensure companies avoid abusing their position and ensure the maintance of competition within the Argentine economy with proper consumer protections. Explicit bans within its framework are unfair methods of competition, and unfair or deceptive acts.
2. Introduction of several anti-trust laws outlawing contracts, combination or conspiracy in restraint of trade outside of that of the government(in defense of state monopolies). Additionally it would ban private efforts towards monopolization, attempted monopolization, conspiracy or combination to monopolize. Additional bans on interlocking directorates, bans on mergers(of sizable companies) without the approval of the Free Trade Commission, bans on discriminatory pricing, services and allowances between merchants. Companies attempting mergers or acquistions must notify the Argentine Free Trade commision of their intentions ahead of time. Further bans between businesses or private individuals to fix pricing, split markets or to rig bidding. The final articles of these various laws would outline private lawsuits to uphold these laws. These laws would not include professional/vocational monpolies with regards to education or professional associations.
3. To ensure these laws don't cause a sudden vaccum, they will be implimented gradually with the Argentine government sponsoring several up and coming entrepenuers in these sectors dominated by the monopolies in order to provide a second competitor who would be able to partially fill in the vaccum and avoid a sudden crisis. Additionally the government would begin a conversation with these private monopolies in order to ensure these laws are upheld without signifigant economic disruption.

##1959 January, Ethiopia, Addis Ababa

The Chairman of the Derg Mulugeta Buli made a speech today, after announcing the decision of the Ethiopian government to increase mobilization and begin further recruitment efforts in the wake of the Italian invasion. Emergency war taxes and other measures are being put in place as Ethiopian prepares for a war of survival.

Below is the transcript from the speech of the leader of the Ethiopian nation:

Today the Ethiopian people find themselves for the fourth time in a century beset by a foreign force. Some have called the war we have embarked upon unnecessary, but is it unnecessary to protect our children? Is it unnecessary to protect our loved ones? Is it unnecessary to stand against evil? We do this not because we need to but because we must! Because if we let the Italians win they will deny us every freedom, every liberty we have worked tirelessly to obtain.

The Italians if they triumph here will deny us even the right to breathe, their racialism and fascistic tendencies leads them ever onwards to try and loot and pillage the wealth of these lands. They view us as fit only for killing and subjugation. In their diplomatic communiques they adopt the tone of the high handed and civilized. All the while, however, they act as deceitful and brutal as the lowest savage warlord of yesteryear.

The Italians expect an easy victory, they expect this because the three prior invasions Italy has launched has been a war against not Ethiopia, but a war against the Monarchy. But this time the Italians are not at war with some distant monarch, no, they are at war with the people of Ethiopia itself. And I can tell you this, it will never be the Ethiopian people that break. The question is not if we can win, for that is assured. The question is for the Italians, how many lives will need to be lost and how much money spent in this doomed cause of theirs.

The last time the Italians tried to conquer this land they could only achieve true gains through the usage of inhuman and illegal chemical weapons. We warn Italy never to try these despicable and barbaric acts again, as we are just people, and we believe that Italy will receive its retribution in said justice.

My people, look upon this land, and gaze upon the shores and opportunities once we have dealt with the Italians and their puppets. We are not the monsters that the Italians claim, but to them we shall be worse than their worst nightmares. The Italians have after all stolen Eritrea from our fathers and now they intend to steal Ethiopia itself. But know that as you walk under the Ethiopian banner, that you are protected by it, because the banner is held aloft by all the millions of Ethiopians. And we are not afraid, fear is born of uncertainty, we fear nothing because our purpose is clear and our path is certain. The Italians call us tyrants but their coming here has done nothing but prove themselves to be agents of tyranny. Are they Self appointed defenders of justice? For what right do they have to tell us how to live? What authority do they have over our very lives? We are a free people and we will command our lands and our families as we see fit! We, Ethiopians have always been a resilient people: we toil while others complain, we persevere when others give up and when evil stares us in the eyes we stare right back!

Hardship and sorrow add focus and give one’s existence meaning. We will help the Italians find meaning. With our hands we built this country up from nothing, our sweat and blood is as much a part of this land as the air we breathe, and the Italians think they can take it away from us? They are either fools or madmen! There is no understanding without weapons, there can be no dialogue without bloodshed. The Italians will be made to understand and that knowledge will be paid for, with their lives! The Italians come into our home under the auspices of liberty and freedom, killing and pillaging in the name of their laws and then dare lecture us on morality! They will be held accountable for their crimes, this I swear to you! The Italians speak of innocence but in war there are no innocents. The Italian public support their leaders, they elect them into power and they send their children to fight against us. They are all guilty and as any civil nation will agree: the guilty must be punished! As before, we stand alone, but we stand as one – united. As the combined forces of the Italian Alliance rises against us, we will stamp them back down!

With cybernetics no longer being considered a taboo, bourgeois pseudoscience, the Soviet Union has been making leaps and advancements in computer technology, with pioneers such as Anatoly Kitov making gigantic leaps in cybernetics, creating systems for radars, ballistic missiles and other military applications. While cybernetics have been primarily focused on military affairs, many researchers and scientists have been touting the civilian applications of such technologies as well.

With this in mind, the Politburo of the PZPR has decided to found a state-owned computer company, and will allocate state resources towards the development and creation of computing in Poland. At the request of the PPR, the CCCP has authorized a limited technology-sharing program with the Poles. While limited resources will be allocated to the Polish company, the invaluable technical knowledge the Soviets have amassed over the last few years will be indispensable to the Polish company, which will get a significant head start, coupled with their own technological developments domestically.

This change has marked a start shift in policy, especially since the early 50s, where cybernetics were not as widely accepted in the CCCP as they are today. The cooperation between the CCCP and PPR will ideally create a competitive advantage in the Eastern Bloc, and create new technologies which are not available in Western nations. This cooperation is also planned to bring significant technological leaps to other COMECON nations.

“I call upon The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland to respect the charter of the United Nations, of which it is a critical founding member, and bring forth its disputes with the Republic of Egypt and Syrian Arab Republic to that body for mediation and ultimate resolution.”

“The United Kingdom's decision to pursue the use of military force against Egypt and Syria contravenes the United Nations charter as well as international rules and norms. It has raised the specter of a much greater war, the horrors of which have not been seen since 1945, and undermines peace and prosperity around the world.”

“The international system only works at persevering peace when all countries, great and small, security council members and the newest states respect one another and the institutions that have been established to provide for peace.”

“We cannot afford another Second World War.”

“The United Kingdom should withdraw from Egypt and Syria immediately and pursue other means of resolving this dispute.”

###Republic of Turkey

In this timeline, Turkey has not been touched since the Military Coup of May 1955, during which the Turkish Armed Forces promised to draft a new constitution and hold elections. This Coup was the result of incoherent and unpopular decisions made by Prime Minister Menderes, such as having the call to prayer being announced in Arabic, or engaging in actions against the British and Greeks in Cyprus.

As Turkey, I intend to:

• Grow the Turkish Economy, bringing prosperity to the Turkish People
• Establish the Turkish Armed Forces as a capable military force, able to live its commitments to NATO.
• Strengthen Turkey's influence in the Middle East
• Have Turkey move towards a more nationalistic, authoritarian Government
• Ensure Cyprus does not fall to Greece, and that the Turkish population on Cyprus is protected.

1959 - Washington, D.C., United States of America

As soon as President Eisenhower announced he would not seek a second term in office, speculation on the 1960 elections began in earnest. While for the Democrats figures like Secretary of State Adlai Stevenson II, Senate Majority Leader Lyndon B. Johnson, and Vice President John Fitzgerald Kennedy dominate speculation on potential runs in 1960, for the Republican Party there is a far larger pool of potential candidates. With the relative unpopularity of former President Dewey and continual losses in Congress have thinned the Republican ranks, many figures are still in a position to have a serious chance at getting the nomination.

Of course, one cannot discuss the Republican Party of today without mentioning Thomas Edmund Dewey, who carried the torch of figures like Alf Landon and Wendell Willkie in moving the Party past the days of Hoover and into a more moderate stance. Since the death of Robert Taft, the conservative wing has been continually weakened, with the moderate wing having become the dominant faction of the Party, mostly thanks to the influence and sway of Dewey and his faction of politicians. While vestiges like John W. Bricker continue on, and plenty of up-and-coming conservatives are eying seats in the Senate, for 1960 the conservative wing will continue to hibernate. With this in mind, Thomas Dewey will have significant sway at the convention, guiding the candidates and policy towards a continuation of the Eastern Establishment’s politics. Market-based solutions will be sure to continue to dominate, and securing the legacy of accomplishments like the Interstate System and the Housing Act of 1951 will be paramount. But who can carry on the torch of President Dewey’s reforms and shape them to fit the times of 1960?

The Major Players

With speculation cropping up and politicians preparing themselves for 1960, it is important to get an overview of the politicians who are coming up the most in discussions of a presidential run. They are a varied bunch, with some being in politics for decades and others being post-war newcomers to the political scene. As the post-war crowd begins to gain seniority and some figures return to national politics, there is no end to speculation on who could end up leading a Republican ticket. The most often talked about, however, are Senate Minority Leader (and 1956 Republican Nominee) Richard Nixon, former Secretary of State Henry Cabot Lodge Jr., Governor of Pennsylvania Harold Stassen, Governor of New York Nelson Rockefeller, and Senator Barry Goldwater.

Senator Barry Goldwater

A noted conservative and one of the few non-moderate Republicans of prominence still left, Barry Goldwater is not expected to be a serious opponent for the nomination, but rumors of his plans to stage a conservative comeback in the Republican Party are abound. Goldwater himself has been vague on running in 1960, though has stated that a thoroughly conservative resurgence is needed if the Republican Party wants to stay a viable political party. Goldwater, by virtue of being the only notable conservative Republican young enough to mount a campaign left, would have significant grassroots support for a run, but the insurmountable truth of the Republican Party’s takeover by Dewey and his ilk means the convention would be the inevitable death of his campaign.

Senator Goldwater has started to enter himself into the national consciousness though, with the Senator planning to release a book The Conscience of a Conservative next year. He has also acted as a mentor and hero to many young conservatives in the Republican Party. If he runs in 1960 and attracts significant grassroots support, it could signal the coming return of the conservative faction.

Governor Nelson Rockefeller

A former cabinet official in President Dewey’s cabinet and now first term Governor of New York, Nelson Rockefeller is a man who enjoyed great press after defeating Franklin D. Roosevelt Jr. for the Governor’s race. Having the bonafides of serving under President Dewey and experience as the Governor of a major US state, Rockefeller has already begun putting out feelers and building backroom support for a 1960 presidential run. Still, he has a significant disadvantage institutionally when compared to more establishment figures like Nixon or Lodge, and has attracted some concern as being a bridge too far for conservative Republicans. While popular with the masses, his nomination could see a serious revolt among the Party’s right. For this reason, President Dewey and others have not been the most receptive to his potential candidacy.

Still, Rockefeller has a much greater shot at the convention than the likes of Goldwater or Stassen. He is also a man who could get many Democrats out and voting for him, as he is one of the most liberal Republicans to hold a major political office. He also has deep pockets and many connections to the ruling class of America, both things that could help him get a campaign off the ground against more conservative opponents.

Governor Harold Stassen

Somewhat of an odd sight in the modern Republican Party, Harold Stassen is one of the few men in American history to be governor of two states. At first holding the governorship of Minnesota, and now the incumbent Governor of Pennsylvania, Governor Stassen is a two time loser of the Republican nomination, running in 1944 and 1948. Still, that he was able to win political office again has breathed new light into the seriousness of his candidacy. He is the first Republican to formally announce his candidacy for the Presidency, and he has been gathering supporters where he can. Still, he is ultimately an opponent to the ideals and principles of men like Dewey, not conservative enough to be liked by the likes of Goldwater, and not fresh enough to be seen as the face of the party like Nixon or Rockefeller.

The greatest supporters of Stassen are Black Republicans, doves in the Republican Party, and a small minority of liberal Republicans not attracted to the other major potential candidates. This is due to the Governor’s eclectic policies and ability to stand his ground on what he believes is right. Outside of Rockefeller, who could outflank him on the issue, Stassen is the strongest Republican on civil rights, calling for expansive, well-enforced civil rights legislation and an end to poll taxes. In meetings with key groups, he has staked himself out as a moderate Republican who is willing to take a stand for what he believes. Still, outside of grassroots support and perhaps a small contingent of Republican delegates, he will have a very difficult time trying to convince the Republican National Convention to give him a chance.

Secretary of State Henry Cabot Lodge Jr.

Former UN Ambassador and Secretary of State Henry Cabot Lodge Jr.’s primary vote getter is his foreign policy experience. While he has experience as a Senator, his stint with the Dewey Administration has given him the foreign policy chops almost every other candidate lacks. The myriad failures of Dewey on foreign policy would’ve hurt him in 1956, with Eisenhower’s own blunders, he can instead paint himself as an experienced statesman able to recover America’s relationship with Britain and defuse the problems in the Middle East, Southeast Asia, and the Horn of Africa. He also has significant ties to the Eastern Establishment owing to his previous senatorial experience and four years of service with President Dewey. He also has plenty of room to attack Democrats credibly while presenting himself as a capable alternative.

The main issue with Lodge, however, is that he is a mediocre public speaker and is known to make gaffes. This could disrupt grassroots support and cost him dearly with Republicans looking for the most electable candidate. He also has been out of the limelight for the Eisenhower years, largely staying in the shadows. Compared to every other candidate, this could make getting a campaign started quite difficult.

Senate Minority Leader Richard Nixon

No conversation about a potential Republican nominee could be completed without first bringing Richard Milhouse Nixon, current Senate Minority Leader, failed 1956 Republican nominee, and de facto face of the Republican Party for the past several years. While his stinging defeat in 1956 leaves lingering concerns, he has since regained much of his former stature by winning re-election as California’s Senator and becoming Minority Leader. He has also been building his ties to the Eastern Establishment and building foreign policy experience, the lack of which in 1956 hurt him deeply. Many in the Party respect him for taking up what was seen as a lost cause in 1956 with Dewey’s unpopularity and Eisenhower’s universal appeal, but some also question the wisdom in re-nominating a man who lost so severely. He also gained much support from the Republican establishment by heavily campaigning for Republicans across the country in 1958, which has resulted in many ready to endorse and work to give Nixon the nomination and, ultimately, the Presidency.

His time in the Senate has also refined his political capabilities, by building a working partnership with Lyndon Johnson and an understanding of the personality of figures like JFK, Goldwater, and Adlai Stevenson. Combined with the myriad connections and image support of his failed 1956 run, Nixon is in perhaps the best position to take the nomination in 1960. Still youthful and largely respected by the Republican Party, he has combined moderate policies with more market based approaches, thus not being as distasteful as Stassen or Rockefeller to the Party’s right. Though not formally announcing his candidacy, he has started gathering support across Republican politicians and started fundraising operations. Most speculation on the Republican nomination therefore naturally falls on Nixon, and it is seen as his spot to lose at the outset of campaigning.

1959

Whilst the British have built up our military well making them well trained and well equipped we believe that for Borneo to achieve her goals her military must be re-organized to best suit the nature of warfare in Borneo. The confederation wishes to create a

Rank and structure are important in the army as well as Pay, the confederation wishes to make its army an elite fighting force that can entice people to voluntarily join it for a variety of reasons. Number 1 the pay should be reasonable enough that citizens see it as a valuable career path, number 2 the skills they gain from the army such as learning math, reading, and writing should be in essence enough to help them outside the army and should number 3 given them a sense of duty as if they’re making a difference.

Rank and Structure and Pay

Following an army rank structure nearly identical to the US Army here’s the ranks and pay monthly.

Enlisted Ranks

E-1

Title: Private

Pay: 4.25$ a month

E-2:

Title: Junior Private

Pay: 5.25$ a month

E-3

Title: Senior Private

Pay: 6.45$ a month

E-4:

Title: Corporal

Pay: 7.90$ a month

E-5

Title: Sergeant

Pay: 9$ a month

E-6

Title: Lead Sergeant

Pay: 11.29$ a month

E-7

Title: Senior Sergeant

Pay: 14.31$ a month

E-8

Title: Master Sergeant

Pay: 18.41$ a month

E-9

Title: Sergeant Major

Pay: 20$ a month

Officer Ranks

O-1

Title: Junior Lieutenant

Pay: 15$ a month

O-2

Title: Senior Lieutenant

Pay: 17.45$ a month

O-3

Title: Captain:

Pay: 21.75$ a month

O-4

Title: Major

Pay: 25.44$ a month

O-5

Title: Sub-Colonel

Pay: 31.92$ a month

O-6

Title: Colonel

Pay: 34.74$ a Month

General Officers

Due to the Now Small army size of the Confederal armed forces whilst technically, 4 General Ranks will be Established 1 star, 2-star, 3-star, and 4-star for possible future use only the 1-star and 2-star will at this time be utilized With a 1-Star having command over an entire Branch such as the 1 star in charge of all the infantry and the 1 star in charge of all the artillery a 2 star Will be responsible for seeing over the entire Army.

GEO-1

Title: Basic General

Pay: 41$ a month

GEO-2

Title: Major General

Pay: 46.45$ a month

Re-organizing the army

The basis of the army will consist of Platoons, Companies, Battalions, and Brigades in a model similar to that of the Americans

Platoons will be 30 individuals, companies 120 individuals, battalions 500 individuals, and brigades 2,500. 4 platoons in a company, 4 companies in a battalion, and 5 battalions in a brigade.

Officer Military Academy

As of now the country does not have much reason to develop a civilian public university however there is ample reason for one in the military sector, a university for Both the Army and Airforce officers, our goal is to see to it that people join the Army or Airforce and feel as if they’ve accomplished something and with the goal of wanted a well equipped fighting force that is highly educated and able to plan and react to scenarios quicker than their enemies we will establish a new Military Academy, Servicing both the Army and the Airforce it’ll be a 4 Year degree where upon graduation students will also commission as officers into the Armed forces.

Degrees Offered:

Military History

Engineering

Military Leadership

Public Administration

Brunei History

Mathematics

English Literary and Writing

Whilst the degrees are not very diverse and the school is small with just enough students to support the army all students who attend will have their education paid for by the army but are obligated to 10 years of service, future grants may be given to the school to improve it or such and it shall be located in Miri.

Confederal Training Camp will be 8 Weeks long for all troops, The first two weeks will be spent on Drill, formations, Proper army addressing, army ranks, and basic knowledge about the army with the next 2 weeks spent on learning how to use a rifle, proper grenade throwing technique, how to avoid rifle fire, and how to make contact with enemies the next. Then the 3rd set of 2 weeks will teach skills such as Land navigation using a map and compass, how to camouflage yourself, how to follow orders, and how to react to overall stress. The Last 2 weeks is practical exercises with them going out to the field and performing as Platoons being given orders, operating as if it was real during Field Training Exercises. Upon which they will graduate and will be given a chance to attend their Proper Job School. Finally over the course of this troops within the confederal training camp will be taught how to read and write the basics, firstly taught the alphabet in week one, then week two taught how to read their own name and write their own name, week three taught how to read the ranks of the army and write the ranks of the army, week four taught how to read and sound out basic orders and then carry out these orders week five taught how to listen to commands and write them down then read them back, week 6 taught how to read commands and interpret them correctly according to army doctrine, finally week 7 they will have all this tested and retaught until they pass this test all the way up to the end of week 8.

The Four Combat Schools

In the confederation, 3 schools of Combat exist, Primarily Infantry School, Artillery School, and Air Defense School and lastly Engineer School

Infantry School

Infantry School is an additional 12-week School for Learning proper infantry tactics, expanding on rifle training, training in combative, learning proper team, squad, and platoon tactics for infantry, how to shoot machine guns, rifles, side arms, and further training on bayonets. As well infantry mortars will be taught how to be used here

Artillery School

Artillery school will be a 14 Week school in which troops are taught how to fire both mortars, small artillery and large guns, they’ll be trained in math so that they may be able to calculate the proper trajectory and do it mentally without the need for assistance as well as how to work in Teams and groups for proper artillery support.

Air Defense School

Air Defense school is a smaller school that will only consist of 12 weeks or so where students are taught math, how to operate anti-air guns, and how to calculate for the best way to hit and take down enemy aircraft.

Engineer School

Engineer schools will teach units how to set land mines, create explosives, dig trenches, build small military outposts, repair fort structures, as well as detect enemy explosives and disable them. Finally teaching both math, science, and well engineering it’ll be the longest school at 16 weeks

The infantry

The infantry in Borneo is the basis of all combat operations currently consisting of two brigades of 3,000 this will be raised to have a third brigade each however with re-organized numbers of 2,500 each. with continued training by the British and British officer leadership, the infantry will consist of the following

1st Confederal Rifle Brigade (2500)

2nd Confederal Rifle Brigade (2500)

3rd Confederal Rifle Brigade (2500)

For a total infantry presence of 7,500, this should be more than enough for conventional warfare in the current boundaries of the confederation however they will receive ample support from other units to exist

The artillery

The stuff that goes boom is integral when it comes to supporting, being able to pelt the enemy with enough firepower to make them back off is quite vital.

And so already several artillery battalions exist which will be reorganized into 1 Artillery Brigade and Two Artillery Battalions for a total presence of 3,500

1st Confederal Fires Brigade (2500)

1st Confederal fires Battalion(500)

2nd Confederal Fires Battalion (500)

The Engineers

These are the guys that build forts, build outposts blow shit up and dig shit up, can’t work without them and they’re important for support and first contact as well as holding a place. Whilst they already exist they won’t receive much in the way of additional with just 3 battalions being sufficient for the army

1st Confederal Engineer Battalion(500)

3rd Confederal Engineer Battalion (500)

5th Confederal Engineer Battalion (500)

Air defense artillery?

Also well a subsection of the artillery will be dedicated to air defense given the nature of our enemy airforce likely outclassing us 1 air defense battalion will be raised to begin garnering experience utilizing anti-air guns given to us by the British

“The Hornet Killers” Air Defense Battalion(500)

The Gurkha Royal guard

The British had been immensely accommodating with the sultanate of Brunei and the confederation of Borneo having gifted us a battalion of Gurkhas for protection and direct use by the sultan however this is an expert battalion that we wish to see doubled, 1 battalion for Use by the sultan and 1 Battalion for special operations under the control of the confederation itself. Thus two battalions will be operated as follows. These troops service as both elite infantry and are experienced in mountain warfare as Borneo has a consistent range of mountainous areas they serve two goals.

“Sultan’s Royal Gurkha Guard” Gurkha Battalion (500)

“Sabah 2nd Gurkhas” Gurkha Battalion (500)

The Dayak Jungle Legion

Borneo is a land full of jungle, and some more jungle, and then even a bit more jungle, it's likely any warfare on the island will need to involve jungle and whilst the confederal forces are all given basic jungle training and expected to fight in this environment they are not what one could consider experts. However, a group of native Borneo citizens may be perfect for this job. Dayaks, a sub-ethnicity within the greater borneo culture are people known for their famous hunting skills and impressive jungle navigational techniques, hand-picked and trained by the confederal army as well not just trained by British officers but with Gurkhas used to train them, mixed with their natural skills a single battalion of special forces jungle operatives will be raised at this time, to having the capability to jungle penetration and combat within inland Borneo. They’re to be a group trained in guerrilla warfare, Sniper Training, Asymmetric warfare, Jungle Warfare, Quick first contact, and recon as well as mountain warfare. As mentioned earlier they’ll go through the hardest section of training, on top of the normal Infantry Training

Dayak Jungle Legion Training Camp will be an additional 6 Week training camp where you will be trained in Sniper skills, Recon Skills, Jungle Survival, Mountain Warfare, Jungle Warfare, Hunting, and much more

Thus those in the Dayak Jungle Battalion would by the end of all training have fully completed 26 Weeks of training 8- for Basic Training, 12 for Infantry Training, and 6 For Dayak Special Jungle School. To encourage people to want to sign up for this school members of the Dayak Jungle Legion Battalion will receive an additional 5$ a month in hazard pay on top of their salary from whatever their rank is.

Units Raised

1st “The Mangrove Vipers” Jungle Battalion(500)

TOP SECRET

The President's Daily Brief: 12 February 1959

Subject

Significant Problems: Trends in Bharat

Reports from our Ambassador in New Delhi during recent months indicate difficulties for Prime Minister Rajagopalachari and his government. Despite the victory of the Congress government in the 1957 elections, there are signs in some quarters that Congress is not secure in its position as India’s natural governing party. The Rajagopalachari Ministry has in particular experienced difficulties in preserving its generally liberal outlook against socialistic and communitarian forces. Since 1957 the primary manifestation of these difficulties has been in the communal sphere.

Prime Minister Rajagopalachari and the key figures of the Union Government have thus far pursued a policy strongly inclined towards individualistic pluralism with regards to various communal issues. It is increasingly clear that this viewpoint is not necessarily shared among the entire Congress Party. Emblematic of this divergence in opinion are events in the state of Uttar Pradesh, Bharat’s most populous.

The Chief Minister of that state, Sampurnanand is a Congressman, and continues to command a strong majority in the Legislative Assembly despite challenges from other political elements, primarily socialist in nature. However, he has been at odds with the Centre in nearby New Delhi, increasingly so in the past months. The central cause of the issues with New Delhi is that Sampurnanand, who is nominally a Congressman of the Gandhian variety, is a devout Hindu, especially so compared to his secular colleagues in the Union Government. In general, he has distinguished himself as the foremost promoter of Hindu interests in Uttar Pradesh through his strong support for the institutionalization of the Hindi language over English and his open favoritism for Hindu religious institutions.

In 1956, the state government under Sampurnanand proposed legislation banning the slaughter of cattle. It is an open secret that this was done over the objections of the Prime Minister himself, who together with much of the Congress centre in New Delhi felt this would excessively inflame communal tensions and generally undermine the secular character of the nation. The state Congress party nevertheless passed the legislation with a commanding majority despite the strong opposition of the socialist minority in the Legislature.

In 1957, despite this and other attempts to appeal to the Hindu majority of UP, the state Congress party was handed yet another setback at the polls, winning only 245 seats in the assembly. Nevertheless, still possessing a majority, Sampurananand and his government began their second term in office. Since then, the Congress government has faced growing criticism and internal dissent. The Socialist caucus has consistently accused Congress Ministers of corruption and favoritism towards corporate interests.

Within the UP Congress itself, one faction, led by prominent Congressmen Charan Singh, Kamlapati Tripathi, and Chandra Bhanu Gupta has reportedly formed to contest Sampurnanand’s leadership and commands the support of a considerable minority of the party’s legislative caucus. The exact position of this faction relative to Sampurnanand’s majority faction is unclear, and little overt evidence of any feud exists.

Notably, informed observers see little in common ideologically between the leaders of the opposition clique - Charan Singh is known as an agrarian champion, the leader of the Jat middle-caste smallholders, while Tripathi is more favored among the Scheduled Castes and Muslims and favors an industry-heavy strategy. Finally, Gupta is universally seen as an agreeable if somewhat bland centrist Congressman, on good terms with both the local party and the centre. The same observers also see little to reliably separate this clique from Sampurnanand’s own views, at least ideologically, suggesting that the motives behind the split may be primarily material or interpersonal.

Nevertheless, Sampurnanand has continued as Chief Minister, seemingly quite securely. He recently passed his fourth year in office, making him among the longer-lived Chief Ministers in Bharat’s short independent history.

Recent challenges, however, may come to be his undoing. Several days ago, in the medium-sized city of Aligarh, a rumor began to spread in a certain quarter that a number of Muslim families were secretly slaughtering cattle and storing beef in their homes. By yesterday, the atmosphere of suspicion had exploded into sectarian riots, the worst since the days of Partition. Thirty-seven people, predominantly Muslims, have been counted dead so far, and considerable (though as of yet unquantifiable) property damage has occurred, primarily to Muslim homes and businesses. The Prime Minister has lamented the event in the strongest possible terms and will be traveling to Aligarh tomorrow.

While the exact cause of the riots is not entirely clear, some sources available to us have suggested that local Jan Singh organizers may have joined in stirring up the crowds, though this is impossible to verify. It may also be important to note that the violence was most concentrated in quarters of Aligarh with a high population of refugees of the Partition, mostly former Pakistani Hindus. In fact, Aligarh has a particularly high population of refugees in general. It would not be unjustified to assume that this population is particularly susceptible to communal agitation.

More relevant for the national political atmosphere is the fact that the local police have been accused of failing to adequately contain the riots. Prominent members of the Muslim community have in fact accused the district police chief of having sympathies for the rioters and have claimed that the police actively stood by to let the Hindu rioters run rampant. Sampurnanand and his allies, on the other hand, have rallied around the police chief and denied any wrongdoing. Sampurnanand’s opponents within Congress have seemingly declined to take a position beyond generic sympathy as of yet, while the Socialists have predictably joined the Prime Minister in absolutely opposing all types of communalism and have joined the Muslim community in calling for an immediate inquiry and Sampurnanand’s removal…

T-19

The T-19 project was deemed to be the final iteration of the Soviet Heavy Tank, a culmination of engineering history spanning to the Second World War. After years of trials, improvements and addressing issues, the Объект 770 has finally passed all trials required for production. The final trial for the tank was fixing torsional vibrations in the engine by properly balancing the crankshaft, and ensuring a stiffer engine mount in the tank itself. As sad as it may seem, many experts in Soviet military circles are calling the T-19 the last true Soviet heavy tank, as advancements in cannon and projectile technology will seemingly make armor negligible. The theory behind the T-19 is to fulfill the role of the T-10M in the modern era, with enough power, armor and firepower to pose a devastating threat to any modern armored vehicles. Aside from a massive engine and powerful armament, its complement includes NBC protection, thermal smoke equipment, night vision, and an automatic fire-fighting system and a scoped range finder. Unlike many Soviet vehicles, it also comes with hydropneumatic suspension, allowing for a smoother ride and more accurate firing. The tank will also have an assisted loading mechanism, for the 30.7kg shells fired at 1050m/s. As for the gun, the 130mm M-65 cannon is fully stabilized, thanks to the “Groza” system. The 10-cylinder DST-10 engine produces over 1000hp, allowing the 55t of a beast to travel at 55km/h, allowing it to push with other Soviet vehicles without trailing behind.

Specifications

Armor

Additional Specs

Summary: The new T-19 heavy tank effectively combines good armor, speed and firepower without becoming overly complex, expensive, or difficult to maintain. The tank is virtually impenetrable by modern weaponry and will continue to be so until more leaps and gains are made in ATGM/cannon/projectile technology.

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MiG-21F

After years of trials, hardships, developments and tribulations, the Soviet Union has finally commenced its production of the MiG-21F, the latest fighter/interceptor out of the MiG family. The MiG-21 has made significant leaps and advancements over its predecessors, the MiG-19, 17 and 15 and has built upon the strengths and weaknesses evaluated over an already rich combat history of those jets. The Soviet fighting experiences in Korea and Vietnam have led Soviet engineers to create an extremely potent aircraft, capable of successfully being able to act as both an interceptor or fighter.

Although there was strong competition among the OKBs to achieve the honor of being selected for production, the MiG-21 was the best performing aircraft, coupling a mobile and simple frame with a powerful engine, potent armament and excellent flying characteristics. Fortunately for the Soviets, this plane was routinely misidentified as an Su-9 or 11, which has allowed its development to remain relatively quiet abroad. The lightweight characteristics allowed the aircraft to achieve Mach 2 with even a low-powered afterburning turbojet, allowing for more significant range over its predecessors.

Specifications

Propulsion

Performance