I've been researching the Kouroukan Fouga lately - the constitutional charter of the Mali Empire established under Sundiata Keita, and I think it deserves more attention in discussions of early Islamic political thought. What's fascinating is how it predates even Ibn Khaldun's Muqaddimah by over a century, offering one of the earliest examples of Islamic constitutional theory put into practice.

While much focus in Islamic political philosophy is given to the writings of scholars like Al-Farabi, Al-Mawardi, and Ibn Taymiyyah, I believe the Mali Empire offers a unique case study of how Islamic principles of governance were successfully adapted and implemented in a West African context. The Kouroukan Fouga (1236 CE) created a sophisticated system that merged Sharia principles with traditional Mandinka social structures.

The intellectual environment where this emerged - centered around Sankoré University in Timbuktu - was one of medieval Islam's great centers of learning. What I find mind-blowing is how much of this tradition remains unstudied. There are hundreds of thousands of Arabic manuscripts in private libraries across Mali that haven't been translated, many potentially containing sophisticated political and philosophical treatises that could reshape our understanding of medieval Islamic thought.

Some key aspects that I think deserve attention:

1. Its integration of Islamic principles of justice with traditional African methods of conflict resolution (like the sanankunya system)
2. The role of religious scholars alongside traditional authorities
3. How it balanced Sharia with customary law
4. Its approach to rights and social obligations from an Islamic perspective

The Mali Empire's success in creating this syncretic system offers important insights for discussions about implementing Islamic governance principles in different cultural contexts. Unlike later Ottoman or Mughal systems, this was an early example of how Islamic principles could be adapted to existing African political structures while maintaining both religious authenticity and cultural continuity.

Would love to hear thoughts from others who've studied this period. Are there other examples of early Islamic constitutional systems we should be comparing this to? Also, what role do you think the Malian model might have played in influencing later Islamic political thought in West Africa?

Lessons in Islamic History' is an essential summary of Shaykh Muhammad Khudari Bak's series of ground-breaking works on Islamic history, in which this pioneering Egyptian historian and scholar of Shari'a and Arabic literature distils the essence of his three outstanding works on the Prophetic Biography, the Rightly-Guided Caliphs and the Umayyad and 'Abbasid Dynasties.

In his distinctively eloquent yet uncomplicated style, the author traces the changing political and social circumstances of the Islamic peoples from their origins in the pre-Islamic Arabic Peninsula until his own time in the Ottoman Khedivate of Egypt. An instinctive educator who explained that he wrote not merely to record history, but so that history might benefit, the author outlines the vicissitudes of Islamic history with refreshing objectivity and restraint, highlighting the lessons to be learnt from past events.

In an era when competing historical narratives vie for supremacy, this text provides a clear and concise account of Muslim leadership throughout history and its consequences for the Ummah. As such, it is an indispensable read for young and old alike.

Shaykh Muhammad Khudari Bak was a pioneer amongst his contemporaries in formulating a modern written account of Islamic history, in his clear and uncomplicated style, based on analysis that looked objectively at historical events but was nevertheless grounded in reality.

The importance of this work, (first published in 1909,] lies in extracting the essence of his books:

• Nur al-Yaqin fir Sirat Sayyid al-Mursalin (The Light of Certainty in the Biography of the Master of the Messengers),
• Itmam al-Wafa' fi Sirat al-Khulafa' (The History of the Four Caliphs),
• Muhadarat fi Tarikh al-Umam al-Islamiyyah (Ad-Dawlatayn al-Umawiyyah wa'l-Abbasiyyah) (Lectures on the History of the Muslim Nations - The Umayyad and Abbasid Dynasties).

He added to these by summarising Islamic history from the end of the 'Abbasid era until his own time.

About the Author: He is Muhammad ibn Afifi al-Bajuri, popularly known as Shaykh Khudari Bak. He was a scholar of Shariah, literature and Islamic history. He was born in Egypt in 1289/1872 and lived in Zaytun, a suburb of Cairo. He graduated from Madrasah Dar al-Ulum and surpassed his contemporaries as a scholar, researcher, orator, educator and reformer. During the course of his life he was an Islamic judge in Khartoum, an educator in the Islamic Judicial School in Cairo for a period of twelve years, a Professor in Islamic history at the University of Egypt (now named The University of Cairo), the Deputy-Head of the Islamic judicial school and an inspector for the Ministry of Education.

If anyone wanna read this book they can message me personally I will send you the pdf I have.

Credit:

https://x.com/rustum_0/status/1862143971180339338?s=46&t=V4TqIkKwXmHjXV6FwyGPfg

Picture from: https://sacredfootsteps.com/2017/12/12/safarnama-personal-journey-photographing-mughal-monuments-south-asia/

https://www.reddit.com/r/islamichistory/s/FqGtWSeriX

Taj Mahal & the Quran:

https://www.reddit.com/r/islamichistory/s/78CEpwqzVH

Books:

https://www.reddit.com/r/islamichistory/s/qwNDyPMmvB

https://www.reddit.com/r/islamichistory/s/nKusMwlUJA

Taj Mahal conspiracy theories:

https://www.reddit.com/r/islamichistory/s/c8k42RSy5M

https://www.reddit.com/r/islamichistory/s/JBIm2bdJs6

https://www.reddit.com/r/islamichistory/s/Uopz6ZEedz

Yasir Qadhi's short Lecture talks about the brutality of colonialism, a just Hindu King who didn't join hand with evil Vascodegama, the merciless Massacre of Hajis over a Ship, then the powerful earthquake i.e Punishment from Allah/GOD, and Portuguese empire going into irrelevance

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=C6YpHAKDO_8

Not Just Yasir Qadhi, even BBC titled its video on the 1755 earthquake as History changing https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IVLGo_SgRfs

Before Portuguese(and other colonizers) entered the Arabia Sea and Indian Ocean, Omani's Empire controlled Arabian sea and ports along East Africa and even ports in Iran and ports on the East-side of Arabian sea were controlled by local mostly Hindu Kings in West of India.

Hyder Ali (Tipu Sultan's father) was another tall figure from India who fought the Portuguese and British later.

It seemed like Tariq was pretty successful and gained ground unopposed in the north?

Credit:

https://x.com/kapetanbeg/status/1861790078709735865?s=46&t=V4TqIkKwXmHjXV6FwyGPfg

The Albanian who fought in Palestine

Abdurrahman Arnaut Llapashtica

An albanian imam from Kosovo ended up in Palestine in 1946, fighting against Zionist terrorist groups.

He is quoted as saying, “I did not fight for the Arabs (nationalism) or for wealth, but for Masjid Al-Aqsa.

May Allah reward him for his efforts 🤲🏻

Credit: https://x.com/djali_vushtrris/status/1861738599940550776?s=46&t=V4TqIkKwXmHjXV6FwyGPfg

The Nakba, Palestinians’ loss of their lands and homes, arguably began in the 1880s with the arrival of the first Zionist Jewish colonists, who evicted Palestinians from land the colonists had purchased from absentee landlords. 

The Nakba is an ongoing calamity that continues to define the Palestinian condition today. 1948 and 1967 are watershed dates of larger and more monumental losses of land and rights, and 1993, the Oslo year, is a watershed date of Palestinians’ loss of their right to retrieve their stolen homeland through the collaboration of what once was their liberation movement. 

But Zionist Jewish colonisation of Palestine was a culmination of European Christian efforts to colonise Palestine since Napoleon’s invasion and defeat in Acre in 1799 at the hands of the Ottomans and their British allies. 

Indeed, this European Christian colonisation of the country throughout much of the 19th century was the prelude to Zionist Jewish colonisation at the end of it. 

While the Protestant Reformation was the first Christian European movement to call for Jews to be converted and “return” to Palestine, it was the British who began the plans for colonisation and Christianisation pioneered by the fanatical missionaries of the London Society for Promoting Christianity Amongst the Jews (founded in 1809), known popularly as the London Jews Society.

Anglican zealots sought to convert European Jews and encourage their emigration to Palestine, where they established a missionary network. In the 1820s, this society, sponsored by British politicians and lords, was led by Jewish converts who saw fit to send more Jewish converts to Palestine to proselytise the Jews. 

Soon, the British established the first foreign consulate in Jerusalem in 1838, and the Church of England established an Anglican Bishopric in the holy city in 1842.

The first bishop, Michael Solomon Alexander, was a German Jewish convert who had been a rabbi before his conversion. The British bought land and their consul set up several institutions to employ Jews in agriculture, among other things. The British colonists themselves also began to buy land and to dabble in agriculture.

By the 1850s, Palestine’s population was under 400,000 people, including about 8,000 Jews. Half were Palestinian Jews who had escaped the Spanish Inquisition in the 16th century; the other half were Messianic kabbalistic Jews, who came in the early decades of the 19th century from Russia in anticipation of the arrival of the Messiah.

The London Jews Society converted a few dozen, but rabbis fought back and excommunicated Jews who dealt with the missionaries. They appealed to European Jewish benefactors, the Rothschilds and Moses Montefiore, for help. The latter set up hospitals and bought land for poor Jews, lest they convert to Protestantism. 

'Scramble for Palestine'

The first major European war to inaugurate what we should call the colonial “scramble for Palestine” - namely, the Crimean War of 1853-1856 - was caused by European claims to “protect” Palestine’s Christians. The war was instigated by French and British concerns that Russia was planning to take over Palestine, especially with the large annual Russian Christian pilgrimage to Jerusalem for Easter.

Aside from the jealousy and concerns of Western European Christian powers about Russia’s real and imagined expansionism at the expense of a weakened Ottoman Empire, over which France and Britain had acquired huge influence, the sense that Palestine - including its holy Christian sites and Arab Christian population - should be a concern solely for Western Christian powers would come to threaten Russian interests.  

The Russians were nervous about the advances in Protestant and Catholic institutions in Palestine, let alone the neglect and corruption of the Greek clergy in charge of Orthodox Palestinians since the 16th century, placed in power by the Ottomans following the death of the last Palestinian Patriarch Atallah in 1543.

In the run-up to the Crimean War, European Latin Catholics insisted on the restoration of their exclusive rights to Palestinian Christian holy places that were established under the Crusades, regained under the Mamluks in the 14th century, but lost to the Greek Orthodox church upon the Ottoman conquest. 

The Ottomans issued an edict that restored some of their privileges at the expense of the Orthodox in the Holy Sepulchre, the Church of the Nativity and Gethsemane. The Palestinian Orthodox - clergy and laity - were up in arms, as was Tsar Nicholas I. This became the casus belli for the Crimean War. With Russia’s defeat, the Latin Catholic and Protestant missionary invasion of Palestine accelerated manifold. 

British zealots

In the meantime, another fanatical missionary organisation, the Church Missionary Society, founded in 1799, arrived on the scene in 1851 to convert Palestinian Eastern Christians. The British zealots established schools, dispensaries and medical facilities to help gain converts, while being resisted by Eastern Christian churches across Palestine. 

In response to the missionaries, a French Jewish statesman established the Alliance Israelite Universelle schools in 1860 for Ottoman Jews. Agricultural endeavours aimed at the Jewish population were also established by a French Jewish philanthropist.

On the US front, American Protestant missionaries were dispatched in the 1820s to Palestine but decided to try their luck in Syria and left in the 1840s, assured that their British co-religionists would take care of the Palestinians. 

But others followed, including dozens of Adams colonists, former Mormons who set up a settler-colony in Jaffa between 1866 and 1868 to prepare the land for the “return” of the Jews who would be converted before the Second Coming. Their efforts failed, but this was for the benefit of a new community of German Protestant colonists, known as the Templers, who arrived in Palestine in the 1860s and established a number of colonies countrywide, including on the Adams colony lands in Jaffa.

The German navy came to the shores of Palestine to defend them during the Russian-Ottoman War of 1877-78. The Templers wanted to turn Palestine into a Christian state and hoped it would be awarded to Germany after the war, but they were to be disappointed. They prospered until the British and, after them, the Jewish Zionists harassed them out of the country. 

More Americans also came in 1881, like the Chicago fundamentalist family, the Spaffords, who established a colony in Jerusalem. They were joined by Swedish fundamentalists in the 1890s. They bought the palace of Rabah al-Husayni to set up their colony. Today it is the American Colony Hotel in Jerusalem.

Prelude to more calamities

European kings and queens visited the country and interceded on behalf of their missionaries, demanding more rights and privileges for them. But things changed measurably in the last two decades of the 19th century, as early Zionist Jewish immigration began from the Russian colonial settlement of Odessa, itself built on the ruins of the Ottoman town of Hacibey. 

The London Jews Society was ecstatic that there were more Jews arriving whom it could convert. It set up in London the Jewish Refugees’ Aid Society to facilitate their immigration. Moses Friedlaender, a Jewish convert, was put in charge in Palestine. Land was purchased for the Jewish colonists southwest of Jerusalem, but as the Rothschilds were already founding Jewish colonies, most of Friedlaender’s Jewish adherents joined the Zionist colonies in 1886. 

Despite this failure, the London Jews Society claimed to be forerunners of Jewish colonisation in the country, suggesting that Jewish philanthropists were provoked to “jealousy and emulation”. This is when the Jewish Lovers of Zion (Hovevei Zion) colonists from Odessa arrived and established the first Zionist colonies, beginning the Palestinian Nakba that has lasted up until today. 

The zealotry of the British, German and US Protestant colonists in Palestine in the 19th century was the prelude to so many more calamities to hit the Palestinian people. Jewish fanatical Zionists would finish the job. 

Today’s American Evangelical fanatics who support the ongoing Zionist colonisation of the land are as antisemitic as their 19th-century predecessors. Yet, at the end of the 19th century, Protestant fanatics realised that Palestine could not be converted into a Protestant country as they were able to convert only about 700 Jews and 1000 Palestinian Eastern Christians by then.

Their colonial sponsors realised that the best possible scenario for European colonial settlement in Palestine was a Jewish settler-colony allied with Protestant fundamentalism. This is what Zionism was in the 19th century, and remains today.  

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.

https://www.middleeasteye.net/opinion/nakba-palestinian-catastrophe-began-19th-century-and-continues-day

Credit:

https://x.com/khalidbinyaqub/status/1860786163411292208?s=46&t=V4TqIkKwXmHjXV6FwyGPfg

Introduction: Why Compare Then and Now?

In the history of Islam, few figures are as revered by the masses as Salah al-Din al-Ayyubi (may Allah have mercy on him), whose life was dedicated to the service of Allah and the defense of the Muslim ummah. Known for his piety, humility, and commitment to justice, Salah al-Din’s legacy is more than just a story of battles and conquests; it is a lesson in the power of unity, faith, and righteous leadership. In an era of fragmentation and foreign threats, he revived the spirit of Islamic brotherhood, uniting the Muslim lands and reclaiming Jerusalem, the blessed al-Quds, from the Crusaders.

Today, the Muslim world faces challenges strikingly similar to those of Salah al-Din’s time—external influences, political divisions, and struggles over sacred lands. By reflecting on the strategies and reforms that Salah al-Din implemented, we can draw valuable lessons from them which can then be applied to our own time. His approach to governance, rooted in justice and service to Allah, offers insights into how Muslims today might work toward a future of strength, unity, and resilience. This article explores the geopolitics of Salah al-Din’s era through an Islamic lens, drawing parallels to current events and highlighting how his legacy can inspire and guide the ummah toward achieving its highest ideals in the face of modern challenges.

Setting the Stage: Fragmentation and Foreign Influence

The political landscape of Salah al-Din’s time was shaped by centuries of shifting power, regional conflicts, and internal divisions within the Muslim world. After the early unity of the Rashidun Khilafah, the ‘Abbasid Khilafah rose to power in 750 AD, establishing Baghdad as a center of learning, culture, and governance that spanned much of the Muslim world. However, by the 10th century, ‘Abbasid control began to weaken as various factions and dynasties sought autonomy, eroding the once-unified Khilafah.

The ‘Abbasid decline was intensified by the rise of the Fatimid and Buyid dynasties, both Shi’ah-led powers that challenged Sunni ‘Abbasid authority. The Fatimid Khilafah emerged in North Africa during the early 10th century as an Ismai’li Shi’ah state and gradually expanded its influence, establishing a rival Khilafah with its own capital in Cairo. The Buyids, a Twelver Shi’ah dynasty originating from the Daylamite region, seized control of Baghdad in 945 AD, reducing the ‘Abbasid caliphs to mere figureheads and stripping them of much of their power. These competing Shi’ah dynasties not only created sectarian divides within the Muslim world but also fueled internal instability, weakening the Muslim world’s ability to respond to outside threats.

This fragmentation set in motion the emergence of local Sunni dynasties, such as the Seljuks, who sought to restore Sunni power and unify Muslim lands under their leadership. In 1055 AD, the Seljuks took control of Baghdad, assuming the role of protectors of the ‘Abbasid Khilafah and reasserting Sunni authority over the region. Although this restored a measure of unity, the Seljuk Empire itself was not immune to internal divisions, as various Seljuk rulers claimed independent authority in different regions. Smaller emirates and principalities also arose, each with their own local interests and loyalties, further fragmenting the political landscape.

The result was a landscape of rivalry and division, with the ‘Abbasids struggling to reassert central authority amid the rise of independent dynasties. This disunity weakened the Muslim world’s ability to respond to the Crusaders, who exploited these divisions in order to establish their own states in the Levant, which included control over Jerusalem. Many Muslim leaders were preoccupied with regional rivalries rather than a unified defense against this external threat, allowing the Crusader presence to expand with minimal resistance.

Modern Parallel: Today, the Muslim world faces a similar landscape of division and foreign influence, particularly in the Middle East. The 20th century witnessed the end of the Ottoman Khilafah, the last Khilafah that had for centuries united Muslim lands. Following World War I, the Sykes-Picot Agreement between Britain and France divided the former Ottoman territories into artificial nation-states with borders being drawn up to serve European interests rather than those of the region. The Balfour Declaration, issued by Britain in 1917, supported the establishment of a Jewish homeland in Palestine, leading to ongoing conflicts over Jerusalem and exacerbating tensions within the region.

The decline of the Ottoman Khilafah along with Western interference in the region led to further fragmentation, as colonial powers installed governments that aligned with their interests, often disregarding the religious and cultural unity of Muslim societies. In many cases, these puppet governments promoted secularization, aiming to diminish Islam’s influence in political and public life. Reports such as the RAND Corporation’s strategy on secularizing the Muslim world highlight a continued push to limit Islam’s influence by promoting secularism, liberal reform, and localized national identities over a unified Islamic identity.

The effects of these historical and modern interventions are still felt today, with Sunni-Shi’ah tensions fueling conflicts in Syria, Iraq, Yemen, and beyond. Countries like Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Iran, and Egypt often pursue competing agendas, sometimes in direct opposition to each other, rather than focusing on a collective strategy for the region’s shared interests. The Muslim world remains vulnerable to external influence from major powers, including the United States, Russia, and European nations, each seeking to advance their own strategic objectives in the region.

Just as Salah al-Din recognized the need to overcome local rivalries to reclaim Jerusalem and defend the ummah, today’s Muslim-majority countries face a similar need for unity and collective strategy so as to protect their interests and sovereignty. The lesson from this period in Islamic history underscores the reality that a strong and unified front, built on shared values and mutual cooperation, is essential for confronting both internal challenges and external pressures.

Cultural and Educational Reforms as Catalysts for Unity

Salah al-Din’s success was not merely a result of military might; it was deeply influenced by a broader intellectual and cultural revival that sought to unite the ummah through education, spirituality, and loyalty to the state. This transformation was largely driven by the visionary reforms of Nizam al-Mulk, the vizier of the Seljuk Empire, who recognized that only an educated and unified society could withstand both internal divisions and external threats.

Nizam al-Mulk’s key contribution to this unity was the establishment of the Nizamiyyah schools, a network of madrasahs designed to promote not only religious knowledge but also loyalty to the state and a harmonious balance between worldly affairs (dunya) and spiritual matters (din). Nizam al-Mulk sought to create a generation of scholars and leaders who were well-versed in both the religious sciences and the practical knowledge necessary for governance, law, and administration. He aimed to ensure that his students would serve the state with integrity, drawing on Islamic values of justice, governance, and service to the greater good of the ummah.

Moreover, Nizam al-Mulk emphasized the importance of Tassawuf (Sufism), which played a key role in his educational system. Tassawuf instilled in students the values of inner discipline, ethical leadership, and a deep connection with Allah—qualities that aligned well with Nizam al-Mulk’s vision of creating both pious and loyal subjects. By incorporating Sufi teachings alongside formal Islamic jurisprudence and philosophy, he ensured that students would have a spiritual foundation that would guide them in both their personal and political lives.

The educational system was not just about producing administrators or military leaders—it also served as a defense against ideological threats that had emerged within the Muslim world. Under Nizam al-Mulk’s guidance, the Nizamiyyah schools attracted some of the most brilliant scholars of the time, including Imam al-Ghazali, who became a prominent teacher and intellectual force within this network. Imam al-Ghazali, renowned for his defense of Sunni orthodoxy, played a key role in countering dangerous ideologies that threatened the unity of the Muslim world. He engaged with and refuted ideas from non-Muslim religions, Batini Shi’ah doctrines, and Greek philosophy, all of which sought to challenge the established Sunni tradition. Through his works and teachings, al-Ghazali helped preserve the integrity of Islamic theology and philosophy, ensuring that future generations of Muslims would have the intellectual tools to navigate and defend against these challenges.

This intellectual and spiritual revival through education laid the groundwork for the rise of leaders like Nur al-Din Zinki and Salah al-Din, who were not only skilled military leaders but also deeply committed to the principles of justice, loyalty, and unity that had been fostered in the educational institutions of their time. Their ability to unite the Muslim world and rally people from diverse regions to defend the sacred city of Jerusalem was, in large part, a result of the shared intellectual and spiritual foundation that had been cultivated in these madrasahs.

Modern Parallel

Today, the Muslim world faces a similar intellectual and ideological fragmentation, often fueled by external pressures and colonial influences. The legacy of colonialism has left many Muslim-majority countries with secular education systems that often prioritize Western ideals over Islamic values. This is evident in the modern-day reports, like those from RAND, which advocate for the secularization of the Muslim world and the promotion of ideologies that challenge traditional Islamic norms—particularly concerning gender roles, family structure, and religious identity. The RAND Corporation and other Western think tanks have long pushed for the modification of Muslim societies in ways that undermine core Islamic values, often framing them as obstacles to progress.

In response to these ideological challenges, many contemporary scholars and da’wah movements have taken up the mantle of intellectual defense. Figures like Ahmed Deedat, Zakir Naik, Israr Ahmed, and organizations such as Tablighi Jama’ah have played an essential role in defending and promoting orthodox Sunni Islam. The Tablighi Jama’ah, in particular, focuses on personal reform, encouraging Muslims to return to the basics of Islam and strengthen their faith.

These modern intellectual and grassroots leaders have engaged with various ideologies—ranging from secularism and atheism to critiques of Islam and other Abrahamic faiths—by offering reasoned, theological, and philosophical responses that counter non-Islamic worldviews while reinforcing the foundations of Islamic belief. At Muslim Skeptic, we are constantly trying to develop content to counter anti-Islamic narratives propagating in mass media.

Just as Nizam al-Mulk’s reforms and Imam al-Ghazali’s intellectual work helped safeguard Sunni orthodoxy against heretical and external influences, today’s Islamic scholars and da’wah movements are responding to similar challenges. They work to preserve Islamic identity and values, ensuring that Muslims are not only able to defend their faith but also engage with the modern world without compromising their religious principles. These efforts represent a modern-day continuation of the intellectual tradition that helped unify the Muslim world during Salah al-Din’s time—reminding us that a strong, well-educated, and ideologically grounded ummah is the key to facing both internal and external threats, just as it was in the past.

Political Consolidation and the Rise of Unified Leadership

In the century leading up to Salah al-Din’s rise, the Muslim world was politically and geographically fragmented, weakened by internal rivalries and external invasions. However, a series of visionary leaders and reformers emerged with a dedication to unity, justice, and resilience. They transformed the fractured landscape, setting the stage for a unified Muslim resistance against the Crusaders. This period of consolidation involved not only military campaigns but also concerted efforts to establish stable governance, foster loyalty, and instill an overarching sense of purpose within the ummah.

One of the earliest key figures in this consolidation was Nur al-Din Zinki (1118–1174), a principled leader from the Zengid dynasty who saw the need to unify Muslim territories that had been vulnerable to Crusader incursions. Unlike previous rulers who had focused on local rivalries, Nur al-Din pursued a broader vision of a unified front that was capable of defending the holy lands and countering the Crusader kingdoms. He established an administration rooted in justice and Islamic principles, winning the loyalty of his people and earning the respect of scholars. Through his effective governance, Nur al-Din inspired others to join his cause, transcending tribal and regional divisions and establishing a mission that was as much about defending Islam as it was about politics. His revival of jihad as a spiritual and military effort mobilized the ummah, creating a sense of shared duty that rallied support across the region.

After Nur al-Din’s death, Salah al-Din inherited this legacy and continued the mission of unification. As ruler of Egypt and Syria, Salah al-Din consolidated Muslim territories through strategic alliances, political diplomacy, and a commitment to justice. Salah al-Din’s leadership, deeply rooted in Islamic values, emphasized mercy, forgiveness, and humility—even towards former adversaries—which earned him admiration both within and outside of the Muslim world. His administration, known for appointing capable and loyal officials, was characterized by justice and stability, ensuring that his territories were well-governed and the people felt a sense of security. Salah al-Din’s work culminated in his successful campaign to retake Jerusalem in 1187, a victory that became emblematic of unity and resilience.

Modern Parallel

The decline of the Ottoman Khilafah, once a unifying force for the Muslim world, left the Middle East and North Africa divided and vulnerable to colonial ambitions. Following World War I, agreements like the Sykes-Picot Agreement and the Balfour Declaration facilitated Western control, redrawing borders and establishing puppet governments, dismantling any hopes for a unified Muslim polity.

The imposed secularism of figures like Mustafa Kemal in Turkey and similar leaders in other parts of the Muslim world forced the adoption of Western secular ideals, sidelining Islamic governance and undermining religious identity. Throughout the 20th century, many Muslim-majority nations faced ideological and political fragmentation, first divided by the Cold War and then destabilized by the Global War on Terror, both of which served as platforms for foreign influence, control, and even direct occupation under the guise of countering extremism.

Today, the Muslim world has been witnessing a growing desire for self-determination and a revival of Islamic principles in governance. The Taliban’s return to power in Afghanistan is viewed by some as a reassertion of indigenous rule and a rejection of foreign influence, resonating with a broader call for self-governance rooted in Islamic principles. This marked the first time in decades for the Muslim world to counter colonial Western powers. Additionally, rising trade and military partnerships between Muslim countries, as well as the rising call for a unified Khilafah, show an emerging network of mutual reliance aimed at creating a more self-sustained Muslim bloc.

These developments resemble the efforts of Nur al-Din and Salah al-Din to build a unified, resilient Muslim world by consolidating political power, fostering loyalty, and emphasizing justice and Islamic values. Like the leaders of Salah al-Din’s era, today’s Muslim leaders and grassroots movements are fighting against ideological fragmentation, colonial residue, and Western pressures. The increasing cooperation and resistance to secularization reflect a renewed commitment to the principles that helped unify the Muslim world in Salah al-Din’s time, reminding us that unity, justice, and a return to Islamic identity are as essential today as they were then.

Jerusalem as a Symbol of Unity and Struggle

Throughout Islamic history, Jerusalem (al-Quds) has held profound religious, cultural, and political significance for the Muslim world. Jerusalem, the location of al-Aqsa masjid, one of Islam’s holiest sites, has been a focal point of worship, unity, and reverence. During Salah al-Din’s time, the city symbolized a broader struggle for dignity, sovereignty, and religious freedom, especially after the Crusaders seized control in 1099. Their brutal conquest was marked by the massacre of Muslims, Jews, and even Christians who did not align with Crusader doctrine—a violent rupture in the long tradition of pluralistic and tolerant rule that Muslims had fostered in the region.

For Salah al-Din, reclaiming Jerusalem went beyond a mere political ambition; it was a spiritual mission and a call to unify the Muslim ummah in the face of foreign dominance. The struggle to liberate Jerusalem inspired Muslims across different regions and dynasties to transcend internal rivalries and join forces for a common cause. This unity culminated in the Battle of Hattin in 1187, where Salah al-Din’s forces defeated the Crusaders, paving the way for Jerusalem’s peaceful liberation. His actions upon entering the city exemplified mercy and justice—allowing Crusaders and civilians to leave unharmed and protecting the city’s sanctity for all faiths. Salah al-Din’s liberation of Jerusalem thus became a symbol of resilience, unity, and faith in the face of overwhelming challenges.

Modern Parallel: Today, Jerusalem remains a central symbol of resistance and identity for Muslims worldwide, as the city and its surrounding areas once again face conflict, displacement, and desecration. Since the establishment of Israel in 1948, Palestinians—both Muslim and Christian—have faced escalating violence, displacement, and restrictions, particularly in Gaza, the West Bank, and around al-Aqsa masjid. Israel’s military actions and aggressive settlement expansion in pursuit of establishing a “Greater Israel” have targeted Muslim and Christian communities alike, sparking global protests. As during the Crusader occupation, the modern era has seen massacres and forced removals, which have galvanized Muslims and non-Muslims alike to call for justice and religious freedom in Jerusalem. Even international bodies, such as the South African International Court of Justice, have condemned Israel’s human rights abuses, reflecting a growing global outcry.

Despite their weaker funding and military resources, many Muslim countries have taken bold actions to counter this aggression. Iran has developed missile technology capable of penetrating Israel’s Iron Dome, while Yemen has blocked off ships traveling to and from Israel, signaling a willingness to protect al-Aqsa even at great personal cost. In an unprecedented show of solidarity, Saudi Arabia and Iran have formed an alliance, with Saudi Arabia declaring its intent to counter any American forces that attempt to intervene in Iran. These actions, along with widespread demonstrations and the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) movement, are united efforts to resist the oppression that threatens Jerusalem’s sanctity and peace.

The situation in Jerusalem today mirrors the Crusader period, where a foreign power’s occupation led to widespread suffering and upheaval. But just as Salah al-Din’s era inspired Muslims to unite, the current struggle over Jerusalem has sparked alliances, protests, and resistance across the Muslim world and beyond. Today, al-Quds continues to be a unifying symbol, reminding the ummah of its duty to protect and honor sacred lands. For Muslims globally, the fight for justice in Jerusalem has become a renewed call for unity, as communities rally to defend their shared identity and faith, inspired by the lessons of Salah al-Din’s era.

The legacy of Salah al-Din al-Ayyubi and his contemporaries continues to reverberate across the Muslim world, offering invaluable lessons for contemporary Muslims who seek to reclaim dignity, unity, and strength. Salah al-Din’s success in uniting a fractured Muslim world and his subsequent victory in liberating Jerusalem is not merely a tale of military triumph but also a story of the power of faith, leadership, justice, and vision. His life provides timeless principles on the importance of moral leadership, the pursuit of knowledge, and the essential role of justice in both governance and warfare.

One of the key lessons from Salah al-Din’s leadership is the idea of unity in the face of division. In his time, the Muslim world was fragmented into various rival factions and dynasties. Despite these divisions, Salah al-Din and his mentor Nur al-Din Zinki recognized that the unity of the ummah was paramount to confronting external threats, particularly the Crusaders. They transcended personal or sectarian rivalries, focusing on a collective goal—the liberation of Jerusalem and the preservation of Muslim identity. This lesson is particularly relevant today, as the Muslim world faces a wide range of political and social challenges, from internal divisions to foreign interference. The example of Salah al-Din teaches us that, even in the face of seemingly insurmountable odds, Muslims must unite around shared values of faith, justice, and the common good.

The importance of moral leadership is another powerful lesson that Salah al-Din’s legacy provides. Throughout his campaigns, Salah al-Din was known for his humility, integrity, and sense of accountability. He ruled with piety, often spending his nights in prayer, and he sought to establish a just and compassionate system of governance. His leadership was not driven by personal ambition or power but by a sense of duty to protect the faith and welfare of his people. In today’s world, where leadership is often motivated by power, wealth, or influence, the example of Salah al-Din reminds us of the importance of ruling with justice and compassion, guided by the principles of Islam. His refusal to engage in unnecessary violence, especially when recapturing Jerusalem, also teaches us the importance of mercy, even in times of conflict.

Furthermore, Salah al-Din’s focus on education and knowledge was pivotal to his success. His efforts to establish schools that promoted both religious and worldly knowledge helped to cultivate a generation of leaders, scholars, and warriors who were equipped with the tools needed to preserve and expand the Muslim empire. Today, as Muslims face ideological battles against secularism, materialism, and extremism, the need for an education system that nurtures both religious understanding and intellectual development has never been more critical. The lessons from Salah al-Din’s era urge us to focus on holistic education, one that not only addresses the spiritual needs of Muslims but also empowers them in the fields of science, technology, and governance.

Today, the Muslim world faces challenges not dissimilar to those faced by Salah al-Din. The ummah remains fragmented, politically weak, and vulnerable to foreign interference. The continued occupation of Jerusalem and the suffering of the Palestinian people serve as painful reminders of the injustices that Salah al-Din sought to rectify. However, just as he managed to unite a fractured Muslim world through faith and justice, there are signs of hope today. The increasing political and military alliances between Muslim-majority countries, such as the Saudi-Iran rapprochement and cooperation between Türkiye, Qatar, Pakistan, and Malaysia, show that there is potential for the Muslim world to rise from its divisions and come together for shared goals.

Additionally, grassroots movements across the Muslim world are increasingly advocating more and more for the restoration of Islamic governance based on justice, mercy, and the rule of law, reflecting Salah al-Din’s leadership style. From Islamic revival movements like Tablighi Jama’ah, to da’wah movements led by figures such as Zakir Naik, Ahmed Deedat, and Dr. Israr Ahmed, Muslims today are working to counter ideologies that undermine Islamic values. These movements emphasize the importance of piety, ethical leadership, and justice, similar to the values upheld by Salah al-Din.

Finally, the ongoing struggles for Palestinian rights, the growing BDS movement, and the increasing calls for boycotts of Israeli products are modern echoes of the resistance Salah al-Din led against foreign oppression. Despite the military and political challenges, the spirit of Salah al-Din’s era lives on in the efforts to safeguard Jerusalem, the rights of the oppressed, and the dignity of the Muslim ummah.

Salah al-Din’s legacy reminds us that Islamic unity, just leadership, and commitment to faith and knowledge are the pillars on which future success must be built. While the geopolitical landscape may have changed, the core principles that allowed Salah al-Din to triumph—faith, unity, justice, and the defense of sacred rights—remain as relevant and necessary as ever. The lessons from his life provide a guiding light for Muslims today, urging them to build on their shared values, reclaim their dignity, and work toward a future in which justice and peace reign, just as they did in the age of Salah al-Din.

The success of Salah al-Din did not occur within a vacuum. It took several people with a long term vision to bring about the right level of education and unity. Just like the people of his time, we too must operate at every level and every sector to bring about the success of the ummah.

https://muslimskeptic.com/2024/11/17/salah-al-din/

This was shaykh Mehmed efendi Hafizović. He was a Bosnian imam and naqshbandi shaykh who lead the "Shaykh Hasan Kaimiya" unit during the Bosnian war 1992-1995. He was known for holding true to the belief that Tariqat cannot exist without Shariat. He died in 1994. He is still remembered by many faithful in Bosnia and there are multiple buildings named after him. May Allah bless his soul.

Salaam. I am not Muslim but I used to be an orthodox Christian. While I was orthodox I was told that Muslims conquered the Christian world through extremely heinous crimes. For an example I heard a story that Muslims would wait for Christians to come out during the night of Easter and massacre them. Basically the perception I received was that Muslims were blood thirsty rapist who would do whatever it takes to conquer. Is this true? Thank you.

https://www.ft.com/content/28e21258-2067-4c4b-bc2d-0645336530fa

After 1857 revolt, the muslim clerics who were a leading force of the revolt became the main target of British persecution.

More than 50,000 clerics were martyred.

A British General who fought against Muslims in revolt of 1857 wrote in his memoir:

"If to fight for one`s country, plan & mastermind wars against occupying mighty powers are patriotism, the undoubtedly. Maulvis were the loyal patriots of their country & their succeeding generations will remember them as heroes". 2/2

Rebellion Clerics: P-49

Credit:

https://x.com/gabbar0099/status/1860755629607931968?s=46&t=V4TqIkKwXmHjXV6FwyGPfg